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Equality and equity: An emerging government policy in northern ireland
(Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 1994) Knox, Colin; Hughes, Joanne
A series of equality and equity measures has been introduced by the British Government to tackle the seemingly intractable problems of Northern Ireland. These measures represent a range of initiatives in the areas of social need, fair employment, education reform and community relations. The implementation of the community relations programme is considered in some detail as a case study in improving equality and equity in Northern Ireland. Qualitative data from community relations officers, charged with implementing the policy, are examined in the light of problems encountered with the programme. The influences on delivering community relations, as one component of this comprehensive thrust to attain equality and equity, are also considered using an explanatory model. The article concludes that changes in attitudes and behaviour between the two communities are occurring, albeit slowly, promoted by the measures described. © 1994, Taylor & Francis Group, LLC. All rights reserved.
Open Access
‘An Acceptable Level of Violence’ Community Response to Crime: Northern Ireland and South Africa
(The Journal of Conflict Studies, 2001) Knox, Colin; Monaghan, Rachel
This paper, drawing on focus group interview material, will therefore examine ways in which the communities in Northern Ireland and South Africa have responded to crime both during the conflict and thereafter. If the raison d’être for ‘political’ crime has been removed once a negotiated settlement is reached and the legitimacy of the State reaffirmed by agreement, can communities then subscribe to the formal system of criminal justice? Given the relatively recent, albeit fragile, arrival of a ‘peace’ settlement to Northern Ireland the paper considers what lessons, if any, can be learned from the South African post-conflict experience and its efforts to deal with community responses to crime.
Open Access
Establishing Research Legitimacy in the Contested Political Ground of Contemporary Northern Ireland
(Qualitative Research, 2001) Knox, Colin
Despite the plethora of literature on the macro politics of Northern Ireland, there is a dearth of material on grassroots activity, in particular the dynamic between communities and paramilitary groups which enforce ‘law and order’ in working class areas. Political progress in the form of the Belfast Agreement (1998) has overshadowed the ongoing level of violence at the micro level and the voice of victims remains unheard in the search to attain a greater goal – a long-term political and constitutional settlement. This paper examines the methodological difficulties in establishing research legitimacy in the contested political arenas of Northern Ireland. It considers issues of access, establishing the researchers’ bona fides, openness and transparency, language and personal security, and offers some insights into research in sensitive topics
Open Access
The ‘Deserving’ Victims of Political Violence: ‘Punishment’ Attacks in Northern Ireland
(Criminal Justice: The International Journal of Policy and Practice, 2001) Knox, Colin
The plight of the victims of political violence in Northern Ireland and the enduring suffering of their families has recently assumed much greater public prominence. Some see this new-found concern by government for victims as no more than a necessary part of the political and public relations management of the prisoners’ early release programme within which victims were mere pawns in the wider unstoppable agenda for a peace deal. Preconceived notions of perpetrators and victims have been politically contested in ways which suggest there are those who are ‘deserving’ or ‘undeserving’ of victimhood status. This paper considers one category of victim, those subject to paramilitary ‘punishment’ beatings and shootings, and argues that they have become expendable and legitimate targets for violence in Northern Ireland. They are expendable in the sense that any attempt to deal with the problem in a serious way would have widespread political ramifications for parties currently in devolved government. They are legitimate in that victims’ culpability derives from the communities within which they live and their ‘punishment’ is meted out by paramilitaries acting on the communities’ behalf.
Open Access
‘See no evil, hear no evil’: Insidious Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland
(British Journal of Criminology, 2002) Knox, Colin
Northern Ireland has been variously described as having an ‘imperfect peace’ in which ‘acceptable levels of violence’ persist. Despite the endorsement of the main political parties to the principles of ‘democracy and non-violence’ enshrined in the Belfast Agreement, an insidious and brutalising form of paramilitary violence continues within communities. The government has opted to ‘see no evil, hear no evil’ given what is at stake in the wider political process. According to this approach, one must accept certain violent excesses in the interest of moving forward politically. This, however, creates both conceptual and practical problems around the issue of violence in Northern Ireland. By conceding that paramilitaries ‘police’ the informal criminal justice system in their areas with political and, in most cases, legal impunity, the government, de facto, defines what is ‘an acceptable level of violence’. This paper considers the nature and extent of ongoing paramilitary violence, how it has become enmeshed in the negotiated settlement and the consequences of this politicisation of violence.
Open Access
‘Joined-Up’ Government: An integrated response to communal violence in Northern Ireland?
(Policy and Politics, 2003) Knox, Colin
The growing recognition that social problems are multi-faceted and need to be tackled in a way which cut-across traditional departmental boundaries has heralded the advent of joined-up government. Yet this new emphasis does not appear to have permeated the provision of public services in Northern Ireland in their response to the increasingly pervasive social problem of communal violence perpetrated by paramilitaries against those suspected of committing crime within their own communities. This paper examines the response of governmental and non-governmental agencies to this issue and questions whether victims of violence could benefit from an integrated approach. A deep suspicion and mistrust of the statutory authorities and the ‘undeserving’ character of victims currently militate against a joined-up approach.
Open Access
Democratic Renewal in Fragmental Communities: The Northern Ireland Case
(Local Governance, 2003) Knox, Colin
Northern Ireland is perhaps the locus extremis of fragmental communities in the United Kingdom. The ethno-national tensions and political violence that have ravaged the Province for over 30 years continue unabated at a number of interface areas where single identity Catholic and Protestant communities live cheek by jowl. Intimidation, threats, rioting and naked sectarianism in the form of pickets mounted to protest against Catholic primary school children walking through ‘a Protestant estate’ (the so called 'Holy Cross' dispute) testify to increasing territorialism and community segregation. All of this continues despite the historic constitutional settlement in the form of the Belfast Agreement in which signatories affirmed their ‘total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on political issues, and opposition to any use or threat of force by others for any political purpose’ (Belfast Agreement, 1998: 1). This demonstrates, however, that the long-term ‘cohesive, inclusive and just society’ promised in the constitutional agreement cannot be delivered solely through a consensus amongst the political elite at Stormont, but must be grounded in work undertaken within communities who must endorse and see the tangible benefits of the peace dividend. Residents of North Belfast, for example, would need much convincing that the Belfast Agreement has delivered peaceful community co-existence . This paper examines local governance and the role of the active community in the democratic renewal of Northern Ireland. It considers this in 3 phases. The first phase (1921–1972) might be described as a period of disrepute, during which local government was discredited as an elected forum and used to consolidate Unionist hegemony. The second phase could be styled the emasculation of local government and the emergence of a strong voluntary and community sector to fill the vacuum left by the democratic deficit of Direct Rule from Westminster (1972-1999). The final and current phase might be characterised as a period of democratic renewal (1999 onwards) or what Carmichael (1999) has described as ‘devolution-plus’. This period involves a twin track approach. One element includes a review of public administration arrangements in Northern Ireland incorporating local government, quangos and agencies (but importantly not the 11 government departments). The second element has three aims: firstly, to develop more formal arrangements with the voluntary and community sector in the decision making processes of government departments; secondly, the institutionalisation of social partnership through the Civic Forum, established under the Belfast Agreement; and finally, the emergence of local partnership arrangements in a number of important functional areas (health, community safety and ‘well-being’). The dilemma facing Members of the Legislative Assembly, who have been bereft of electoral power for nearly 30 years, is how to balance the need to involve an active community alongside rebuilding a local democratic base. This poses particular questions about the future role of local government in Northern Ireland under a reformed system of public administration. The fact that these three temporal phases correspond to key political milestones in the political chronology of Northern Ireland should not be surprising. The focus of this paper will necessarily be on the final phase although a short summary of the first two stages should provide a context for discussions which follow
Open Access
Special Issue on Northern Ireland “Devolution, Governance and the Peace Process”
(Terrorism and Political Violence, 2004) Carmichael, Paul; Knox, Colin
Devolution and the associated mechanisms of governance - a power-sharing Executive, elected Assembly, cross-border bodies, a reformed system of public administration and civic engagement, are part of the wider mosaic of peace building. Their implementation is an attempt to institutionalise stability and copper-fasten a political settlement. This paper outlines the changing governmental arrangements obtaining within Northern Ireland, as it has shifted tentatively away from Direct Rule. It maps the wider public sector in Northern Ireland, including civil administration (chiefly the Northern Ireland Civil Service), an extended mosaic of non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) and other public agencies that, together with local government, form a complex multi-layered sub-regional governance. Our contention is that the manner in which the administration of Northern Ireland has been conducted yields fruitful insights into issues of territorial management in other areas afflicted by intractable constitutional wrangles and attendant violence. In short, an agreed system of governance is integral to the transition from conflict to peace (or at least stability) and, in the case of Northern Ireland, was central to the substance of the Belfast Agreement, characterised by a power-sharing Executive
Open Access
Improving Public Services: Public Administration Reform in Northern Ireland
(Journal of Social Policy, 2004) Knox, Colin; Carmichael, Paul
The devolved government in Northern Ireland set about the task of putting in place ‘a modern and effective system of public administration that can deliver high quality public services to our citizens’. It did so through a review of public administration launched in June 2002. This paper offers a formative evaluation of the quest to improve the quality of public services, now being taken forward by a British minister since the suspension of devolution. It argues that the review is being driven by institutional concerns and is devoid of a public service modernising agenda. Additionally, it contends that how people in Northern Ireland perceive public services is contingent on their views on its constitutional status (Direct Rule or devolved government) which, in turn, is linked to their support for the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, rather than the performance of public bodies. As a consequence, the reforms may result in little more than institutional tinkering with doubtful impact on the quality of public services
Open Access
Devolution - the Northern Ireland Way: An Exercise in 'Creative Ambiguity'
(Environment and Planning Series C, 2005) Knox, Colin; Carmichael, Paul
Devolution in Northern Ireland followed directly from the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement which provided, inter alia, for a democratically elected Assembly ‘inclusive in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community’. More than six years on, the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly are in suspension for the fourth time (the latest since October 2002). The conjunction of devolution and the implementation of the Agreement mean that the former is wholly dependent on the vagaries of the latter and, as a consequence, has devalued the potential of devolution to improve the governance of Northern Ireland.
Open Access
The Reform of Public Administration in Northern Ireland: From Principles to Practice
(Political Studies, 2005) Carmichael, Paul; Knox, Colin
The system of public administration in Northern Ireland has, perhaps inevitably, been of secondary concern amid over 30 years of inter-communal sectarian strife. Faced with combating terrorism, successive UK governments wouldn’t consider reform of the Province’s local public administration, pending a resolution of the wider constitutional imbroglio. Consequently, much of the system atrophied, becoming progressively more cumbersome and ill-equipped to deal with the requirements of modern government. Moreover, to help minimize charges of sectarian discrimination, quangos provided many public services, compounding the ‘democratic deficit’ of Direct Rule. In 1998, the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, offered a breakthrough in the search for a durable settlement that could command cross community support. As part of subsequent devolved Executive’s ‘Programme for Government’, a Review of Public Administration (RPA) was launched to consider sub-regional governance arrangements with a view to enhancing democratic accountability and improving efficiency through streamlining the current arrangements. To that end, the Review has been committed to adhering to clear principles on which any credible reform should be based. While devolution itself has proved fitful, the work of the RPA has continued apace. Although embarking on reforms within functioning devolution is ministers’ preferred option, there is a determination to continue the reform process irrespective of the present impasse. This paper outlines the issues, values and concepts that might shape the principles for conducting a Review before considering the particular context within Northern Ireland and the impediments to overhauling the present arrangements and speculating on the likely outcome (ENDS). The structure and operation of Northern Ireland’s wider system of public administration were accorded a lowly priority by successive British Governments throughout ‘the Troubles’. With murder and mayhem threatening to engulf them, Northern Ireland Office ministers were preoccupied with managing the most intractable and wearisome corner of the UK’s territorial estate. As the temporary expedient of Direct Rule matured into ‘permanent impermanence’, any meaningful overhaul was effectively embargoed. Consequently, while recognition of the need for reform enjoyed rare universal consent of the key protagonists, ministers felt little inclination to immerse themselves in thankless upheaval, the inevitable outcome of which would be controversial, divisive and problematic. However, the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement (1998) lifted this extended moratorium and, in their ‘Programme for Government’, Northern Ireland’s new political masters launched a ‘Review of Public Administration’ in 2002. Moreover, despite the subsequently fitful experience of devolution, their resolve has survived the re-imposition of Direct Rule. Thus, in the medium term, there is every prospect of substantial reform notably sub-regional governance in Northern Ireland. This paper seeks to accomplish two key objectives. First, it outlines the key issues, values and concepts that inform the development of principles for reappraising the continuing viability of any system of public administration. Second, it considers the particular context obtaining within Northern Ireland and the associated impediments to overhauling the present arrangements, speculating on the revised configuration likely to emerge
Open Access
Bureau Shuffling? The Review of Public Administration in Northern Ireland
(Public Administration, 2006) Knox, Colin; Carmichael, Paul
The Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement 1998 resulted in the return of devolved government to Northern Ireland and, with it, a decision by the Executive and Assembly to conduct a radical review of public administration. As the review reaches its final stages this paper considers the likely outcomes. It argues that the parameters of the review will limit its impact and describes the reform proposals as structural changes or administrative rationalisation, devoid of a wider modernising approach to improving public services. The on/off nature of devolution could result in ‘one of the major tasks for devolved government’ (according to the Northern Ireland Executive) being implemented by Direct Rule ministers
Open Access
Building Public Service-Oriented Government in China
(The International Journal of Public Sector Management, 2007) Knox, Colin; Qun, Zhang
Purpose: Legislative hearings are a relatively new way of encouraging citizen participation in administrative law making within China. The first such hearing in Liaoning Province (Dalian City) was held in April 2005. This paper examines the detail of the hearing process and attempts to assess its effectiveness as a mechanism for engagement between citizen and the state. Methodology: The authors consider both the practicalities of running a public hearing and its influence on the legal regulations under scrutiny. More generally, and within the limits of one case study, we consider whether hearings have the potential to shift the balance of power away from the state and its officials towards a more inclusive form of decision making. Research implications: Finally, the paper examines whether citizen participation, as a means of public service-oriented government in China, has been influenced by the wider global reform process of New Public Management (NPM) and modernisation, synonymous with developed countries
Open Access
Kazakhstan: Modernising Government in the Context of Political Inertia
(International Review of Administrative Sciences, 2008) Knox, Colin
Kazakhstan declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and joined the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since then it has witnessed a remarkable economic transformation under the leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Pursuing a policy of ‘economy first and then politics’, Kazakhstan is under growing pressure to engage in political reforms which include a modernisation agenda to improve public service provision. Recent constitutional reforms have received a lukewarm reaction from the international community which Kazakhstan is keen to become part of. At the same time a progressive agenda of public services reform is well under way rooted in new public management and a desire to become much more customer focussed in their orientation. This article examines the parallel themes of political reforms and public services modernisation in Kazakhstan.
Open Access
Dealing with Sectoral Corruption in Bangladesh: developing citizen involvement
(Public Administration and Development, 2009) Knox, Colin;
Bangladesh has had a troubled political history since gaining independence in 1971 and is also beleaguered by poverty and natural environmental disasters. In particular however, corruption is blighting its prospects for economic growth, undermining the rule of law, and damaging the legitimacy of the political process. This paper adopts a sectoral approach to the study of corruption by examining people’s experiences of using health and education services in Bangladesh through a large scale quantitative survey. It also presents case study research which assesses the impact of anti-corruption work by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) in the areas of health and education. The paper concludes that: the poorest in Bangladesh are most penalised by corruption; there are significant benefits for health and education service users resulting from TIB’s interventions; and there is a need for committed political leadership beyond the period of the current caretaker government if ongoing efforts to tackle corruption are to be effective and sustainable.
Open Access
The Politics of Local Government Reform in Northern Ireland
(Local Government Studies, 2009) Knox, Colin
A major review of public administration in Northern Ireland has resulted in proposals for radical reforms in health, education, and local government services. Although originating from the devolved government of 1999, intermittent suspensions resulted in Direct Rule Ministers taking over responsibility for the review. This article traces the influence of a sizeable body of research evidence on the outcomes of the review, specifically controversial reforms to local government, and the significant influence attached to macro political factors in reaching key public policy decisions. It also highlights the asymmetry in power relations between Stormont and local government and how devolution has simply compounded regional centralism in Northern Ireland.
Open Access
Building Trust amidst Corruption in Bangladesh
(Journal of International Affairs, 2009) Knox, Colin
The People’s Republic of Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, became an independent state after the civil war of 1971 and joined the Commonwealth in 1972. It is a densely populated South Asian country with some 142 million people who commonly experience natural disasters in the form of floods and cyclones in the flat land and delta of rivers on the Bay of Bengal. Poverty is widespread with GDP per head estimated at just $444 in 2007, or almost half the population living on less than one dollar per day (Oxford Economics, 2008). Since independence, Bangladesh has experienced political turbulence and spent 15 years under military rule until democracy was restored in 1991. Continuing unrest and violence have been a major impediment to economic growth set alongside the increasing strength of Islamic fundamentalism. Politics have been dominated and polarised by the two largest political parties, long-time rivals the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The October 2001 elections produced a BNP victory in the form of a 4-party alliance. The opposition party, Awami League, refused to accept the result and from 2001-2006 their attendance at parliament was sporadic, claiming discrimination by the BNP speaker. Violence and political strikes/hartals have accompanied the political turmoil. In August 2004, twenty people were killed and more than 100 injured in a grenade attack at an Awami League political rally. In January 2005 the former finance minister, Shah Kibria, was assassinated along with four colleagues and over 70 injured in an attack at an AL rally in Northern Bangladesh. Since summer 2006 opposition parties, directed by Awami League, claimed that the BNP-led government was seeking to manipulate the electoral infrastructure and announced in January 2007 a boycott of the general election. The parliamentary elections were cancelled. On 11th January 2007, the President declared a state of emergency and a reconstituted unelected military-backed caretaker government was put in place. Under the constitution, executive power rests with the caretaker government until a prime minister heading a new administration is sworn in following a parliamentary election. Foreign governments were keen to see emergency rule lifted and the restoration of full constitutional rights amidst reports of human rights abuses and mass arrests. Parliamentary elections were held on 29th December 2008 to a new civilian government after two years of emergency rule. One of the most fundmental obstacles to building trust in Bangladesh is the pervasiveness of corruption at many levels: parliament, elections, and the delivery of core public services. People feel powerless to address the excesses of corruption and have lost faith in the democratic system. The role of the caretaker government was to tackle polarization and patronage and, in so doing, to establish trust in the democratic process. This paper considers the ‘success’ of building and maintaining trust in Bangladesh’s parliamentary democracy
Open Access
Adapting University Education for Changing Expectations of Public Services Leaders and Managers: New Guidance for Designing and Delivering MPAs
(Public Money and Management, 2010) Coxhead, Francis; Grauberg, Janet; Joyce, Paul; Lawes, Tanya; Massey, Andrew; Knox, Colin
Guidance for designing and delivering Masters in Public Administration (MPA) programmes has just been approved by three key stakeholder bodies - the Public Administration Committee (of the Joint University Council), the Public Management & Policy Association, and the Public Administration Specialist Group of the UK’s Political Studies Association. The Guidance benefitted from contributions by staff of the National School of Government and of Government Skills. Why is the development of this Guidance timely, what was the thinking behind it, and what are the principles that should be followed in designing and delivering MPAs? As will be seen, we give a lot of attention to the needs of the civil service and the new skills agenda for central government, because this is an important recent development, but the Guidance has been drafted for central government, regional bodies, local government, and all other public services organizations.
Open Access
Tackling Racism in Northern Ireland: 2 ‘The Race Hate Capital of Europe’
(Journal of Social Policy, 2010) Knox, Colin
Northern Ireland has been dubbed by the media as the ‘race hate capital of Europe’ and attracted recent international criticism after one hundred Roma families were forced to flee their homes following racist attacks. This paper examines the problem of racism in Northern Ireland from a number of perspectives. First, it considers the effectiveness of the Government’s response to racism against its Racial Equality Strategy 2005 using performance criteria designed to track the implementation of the strategy. Second, it considers and empirically tests the assertion in the literature that sectarianism shapes the way in which racism is reproduced and experienced. Third, it explores racismat the level of the individual –which factors influence people in Northern Ireland to exhibit racist behaviour. Finally, the paper considers the likely policy implications of the research findings in the context of devolved government where addressing racism is part of a wider political imbroglio which has gridlocked decision-making within the power-sharing Executive of Northern Ireland
Open Access
Peace Building in Northern Ireland: A Role for Civil Society
(Social Policy and Society, 2010) Knox, Colin
Northern Ireland has witnessed significant political progress with devolution and a power sharing Executive in place since May 2007. These political achievements, however, conceal a highly polarised society characterised by sectarianismand community divisions, the legacy of a protracted conflict. This paper is located in the theoretical discourse between consociationalists who argue that antithetical identities cannot be integrated and advocates of social transformation who support greater cross-community peace-building initiatives through the involvement of civil society. This theoretical debate is taking place in a policy vacuum. The Northern Ireland Executive has abandoned its commitment to the previous (direct rule) administration’s A Shared Future policy and is now considering alternatives broadly described as community cohesion, sharing and integration. Using a case study of a Protestant/Catholic interface community, this paper offers empirical evidence of the effectiveness of one social transformation initiative involving community groups in a highly segregated area of West Belfast.