2024-03-29T01:21:24Zhttp://nur.nu.edu.kz/oai/requestoai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14602018-08-15T03:49:54Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Schenk, Caress
author
2014
Caress Schenk; 2014; Policy vs. Reality: Immigration Management in Russia
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1460
Immigration
Immigration Management
Russia
Policy vs. Reality: Immigration Management in Russia
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14612018-08-15T03:49:54Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Schenk, Caress
author
2013
In 2007, the Russian government instituted quotas for immigrant work permits that were consistently lower than actual labour demand. While low quotas are politically popular on the mass level, this article argues that low quotas are also a tool of the government to distribute patronage resources to regional political and economic elites. For several years after quotas were instituted, they remained quite controversial, and during this time decisions about them were firmly in the hands of Vladimir Putin, first as president and then as prime minister, giving him a powerful tool to control the immigration process and labour market manually. While this type of manual control is effective in the short term to manage contentious policy arenas, it suffers a number of possible long-term consequences.
Caress Schenk (2013) Controlling Immigration Manually: Lessons from Moscow (Russia), Europe-Asia Studies, 65:7, 1444-1465, DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2013.824242
1444–1465
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1461
Europe-Asia Studies
Russia
Immigration
Controlling Immigration Manually: Lessons from Moscow (Russia)
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14662018-08-15T03:49:50Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Willardson, Spencer L
author
2016
The Surge in Iraq was one of the key foreign policy decisions of the past decade. Its success prompted a second surge into Afghanistan by a new president a few years later. The success of the Iraq surge has prompted work by academics and policymakers alike. One factor of the success of the surge has been understudied by both academics and policymakers is the role played by the detention of individuals and the changes in detention policy that accompanied the surge. In this paper I outline a brief informal model of how an intervening state can use detention to help alleviate some of the causes of intergroup conflict to increase the odds of successful intervention. I then show how the changes in US detention policy during the surge contributed to the success of the overall strategy. A key argument in this paper is that detention contributed to the success of the surge even though it was not a primary or public aspect of the surge strategy
Willardson, Spencer L., “Detention as a Peacemaking Strategy: The 2007-08 Iraq Surge and US Detention.”, Foreign Policy Analysis
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1466
Iraq
Peacemaking Strategy
Detention as a Peacemaking Strategy: The 2007-08 Iraq Surge and US Detention
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14672018-08-15T03:49:53Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Willardson, Spencer L
author
2013
One aspect of the global “War on Terror” that has received limited coverage in the academic literature is the problem of detained persons as it relates to intelligence. This is a surprising oversight, given the number of detainees that the US has been responsible for (over 25,000 were in custody in Iraq alone at one time during its peak). The detention environment offers a prime strategic intelligence opportunity for the US intelligence community to study the tactics and organizations of individuals who have been removed from the overall conflict. In this article an easily-implemented collection program is recommended to be deployed in US/Coalition detention centers. The primary recommendation is to gather relational data on detainee communication, both authorized and illicit, and to use this data to perform network analyses of terrorist groups and their individual members
Willardson, Spencer L.; 2013; Strategic Intelligence during Coin Detention Operations – Relational Data and Understanding Latent Terror Networks; Defense and Security Analysis
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1467
detention
networks
intelligence collection
Strategic Intelligence during Coin Detention Operations – Relational Data and Understanding Latent Terror Networks
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14682021-02-05T03:36:21Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Sharipov, Aibar
author
2016
Does the revelation of covert actions affect a leader’s popularity? The primary purpose of
this study is to investigate whether such effect exists and, if yes, to determine the extent to which
it has an influence on the U.S. President’s popularity. This thesis consists of preliminary case
classification part, from which I proceed to my qualitative studies of the matter. The case
classification part consists of 16 cases of U.S. covert actions during the Cold War period. I
classify my cases based on whether they have been exposed or not, as well as I look whether their
exposure had an effect on the U.S. President’s popularity. If there was an effect, I further
differentiate them depending on their regime type. This procedure helped me to select my two
in-depth case studies. I have conducted two in-depth case studies of U.S. covert actions in Chile
(1970-73) and Nicaragua (1980s). Throughout the case studies, I have examined the effect of
exposure on popularity in the following dimensions: media coverage, congressional
investigations, presidential approval ratings, and election results. Based on the results of case
studies, it is concluded that the disclosure of covert actions had a less significant effect that lasted
on a temporary basis and did not have a major impact in a longer perspective. Overall, this study
advances our understanding of causal mechanisms that shape the effect of covert actions’
exposure in influencing a U.S. President’s popularity.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1468
U.S. President
U.S. Covert Actions: The Explosure Effect and the President`s popularity
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14692021-02-05T03:37:13Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Abilkassymov, Bekzada
author
2016
Recently we have observed cooperation between trade blocs as the European Union, the
Andean Community, Mercosur, ASEAN and others. These actors have started to negotiate a
possibility of trade agreements between each other. What did provoke regional trade blocs to form
and proliferate this kind of arrangements in trade? How it can be explained through a theoretical
standpoint of international relations? I attempt to answer for these questions in this paper.
Generally, the research constructs an explanation for the formation of interregional trade
agreements through bargaining theory by emphasizing the roles of trade gains, depth of integration
within a bloc, a level of developments, membership and disputes history in the WTO. The results
demonstrate positive and significant influence of trade gains, depth of integration and membership
in the WTO, while disputes history affected significantly but negatively interregional cooperation.
There is an important implication for policy-makers in applying this information for calculation of
possible trade agreements between blocs
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1469
regional trade blocs
interregional trade agreement
interregional cooperation
inter-blocs cooperation
trade gains
depth of integration
a level of development
the World Trade Organization
disputes history
The formation of interregional trade agreements: which factors provoke trade blocs to cooperate?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14702021-02-05T03:38:58Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Issabekova, Makhabbat
author
2016
Aiming at entering the top thirty most competitive economies in the world by 2050
Kazakhstan faces a problem of inadequate human capital. However, an objective demand for
foreign skilled workers notwithstanding, Kazakhstan fails to attract as many of them as its
labor market needs. Driven by this puzzle, the given study analyzes labor migration policy of
Kazakhstan regarding skilled workers. It attempts to explain what factors make Kazakhstani
labor migration policy ineffective under the condition when skilled foreign workers are
needed. Two main factors influence the outcomes of labor migration policy implementation:
decentralized decision-making and strategic ambiguity. Transferring the function of policy
implementation to local-level bureaucratic institutions the state not only shifts its
responsibilities to bureaucrats but also provides them with a certain degree of autonomy and
discretion. However, the state and its institutions have no a coherent vision of the national
interest in labor migration. Bureaucrats concerned with their professional duties have a more
protectionist stance on foreign specialists’ inflows. Meanwhile, aimed at increasing these
inflows the state ensures its interest through strategic ambiguity in its discourse and practices.
It allows the state to reconcile an economic need in more foreign skilled workers with a
political demand for a more restrictive labor migration policy. Thus, starting from above
ambiguity is manipulated by local bureaucrats to meet their professional and, occasionally,
personal interests when implementing the policy. As a result, the state fails to attract the
needed numbers of foreign specialists. In other words, the policy through which the state
aims to achieve its goals turns to be ineffective. This thesis demonstrates that an institutional approach with an emphasis on the
bureaucratic model of decision-making is a better way to understand the reasons of labor
ix
migration policy ineffectiveness in Kazakhstan. However, it also shows that when
bureaucrats are involved in the policy-making process the findings from this case can be
applied to the countries other than Kazakhstan and public policies other than migration
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1470
labor migration
labor
labor migration policy
Strategic ambivalence above, selective implementation below: an institutional analysis of Kazakhstan`s policy toward skilled labor
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14712021-02-05T03:39:45Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Zhekey, Ainur
author
2016
This thesis focuses on coal-using power generation companies’ behavior under
state policies and the outcomes of greenhouse gas emissions reduction efforts (as a result
of the Kyoto Protocol and COP 21) of two countries, Poland and Kazakhstan. Why did
these countries differ in the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions levels as both have
followed the same Kyoto Protocol’s obligations and both have similar coal production
and consumption rates? Addressing this empirical question helps investigate broader
theoretical questions of how and why some countries take implementation of
international regimes seriously while others do not. Is the difference due to faulty
international agreement or due to domestic politics, which shape the implementation of,
or failure to implement, international environmental obligations? To understand this
difference deeper I used two embedded case studies, analyzed government documents
and company GRI reports, data from International Energy Statistics (EIA), ‘United
Nations Framework on Climate Change’ (UNFCCC), ‘Intergovernmental Panel on
Climate Change’ (IPCC), and environmental policies for sustainable development, and
conducted interviews with 10 employees and managers from a coal-powered generation
company in Kazakhstan. On the basis of my evidence, I have reached the following three
conclusions. First, domestic political constraints as defined by financial, informational,
and personnel constraints in Kazakhstan were stronger than in Poland, and Kyoto’s
approach to tackle the emissions issue was not effective. Second, European Union (EU)
membership helped Poland to reduce its emissions as it both pressured Poland to
implement environmental obligations and helped reduce domestic political constraints.
Third, the difference between the political regimes of two nations (Poland being a “flawed democracy”; and Kazakhstan being an “autocracy”) was not sufficient to explain
for why international agreements work for Poland and do not work for Kazakhstan. Many
scholarly works exist that examine environmental impact reduction in Poland and its
performance under the international climate change agreements; however, there is a void
in the existing literature for Kazakhstan due to its comparatively slow reform process.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1471
greenhouse gas
coal-using power
Kyoto protocol
Coal, power, and Kyoto protocol: regulating greenhouse gas emissions in Poland and Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14722021-02-05T03:40:12Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kabdulinova, Azhar
author
2016
Given the increasing use of targeted sanctions despite the ongoing debate on the
effectiveness of targeted versus non-targeted sanctions in the existing literature, the aim of this
thesis is to investigate when targeted sanctions are more likely to be effective than non-targeted
sanctions in terms of achieving desired policy objectives. The thesis achieves this aim in several
steps. First, instead of debating on sanctions effectiveness in general, this work aims to
disaggregate sanctions by their “targetedness” which allow us to see how the design might
influence the success of sanctions. Second, using selectorate framework (Bueno de Mesquita
et al. 2005) as a starting point of my theory, I explore whether designing sanctions in
accordance with political institutional constraints of the targeted state can predetermine
sanctions success. Third, given the importance of the threat stage along with the imposition
stage, I examine the effect of sanctions design at two different stages of a sanction episode. To
account for the threat and imposition stages on empirical part, I use an updated Threat and
Imposition of Economic Sanctions dataset (Morgan, Bapat, and Kobayashi 2014), which is the
only dataset that embraces both stages of a sanction episode. The underlining argument of this
study claims that targeted sanctions can be effective if articulated in accordance with the
targeted state’s conditions. Specifically, the model suggests that in small winning coalitions,
targeted sanctions are more likely to be effective than non-targeted sanctions. While empirical
evidence on the imposition stage provides mixed support for theoretical arguments, findings
on the threat stage allow me to claim that the design of sanctions do have positive relationship
on sanctions success. Thus, the clear implication of this study for policymakers entails that
choosing the right design of sanctions consistent with targeted state’s political conditions is
one of the crucial (but often times neglected) determinants of sanctions effectiveness
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1472
sanctions
Targeted sanctions: when are they effective?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14732021-02-05T03:40:43Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kazhikenova, Aisulu
author
2016
The objective of this thesis is to investigate the conditions under which states become
foreign aid donors. While the number of aid donors has dramatically increased in recent years,
we know little about when states choose to become donors. By extending two existing theories
of foreign aid allocations, I argue that there are three key factors driving states to give aid: the
level of individual income, the overall level of governmental resources, and the size of winning
coalition. I test these hypotheses using a newly collected data on states’ donorship. The
statistical findings suggest that states are more likely to become foreign aid donors when the
level of their citizens’ income and their governmental resources increase, providing support for
my hypotheses. Surprisingly, the findings also suggest that states with smaller winning
coalitions are more likely to become aid donors. It is contrary to the expectations that
democratic regimes are primary donors of foreign aid. This thesis contributes to the literature
on foreign aid by examining a new question about aid initiations, offering a new dataset on aid
donorship, and providing statistical evidence that calls for new theoretical explanations.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1473
foreign aid
aid donorship
Official Development Assistance
emerging donors
aid-for-charity model
aid-for-policy deals model
Choosing aid: when do states becomes donors?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14742021-02-05T03:41:10Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Sadykova, Almira
author
2016
This thesis investigates the impact of transferred weapons’ military capabilities on
recipients’ level of foreign policy cooperation. While previous research use financial data to
assess the impact of transferred arms, I directly look at the technical characteristics of delivered
weapons in order to evaluate their effect on importer states’ behavior. I partially draw on
Fearon’s (1998) theory of foreign policy cooperation and extend it. Particularly, in my theory I
consider both formal and informal cooperation processes. I argue that recipients take into
account the type and sophistication level of transferred weapons while deciding whether to
adjust their foreign policies or not. The results of statistical analyses suggest that this
proposition holds for some categories of arms while not for the others. Namely, theoretical
expectations were supported statistically for aircraft category in general and transport aircraft
in particular. By using new measure for the evaluation of weapon shipments, the findings of the
project contribute to scholarly literature on arms transfers, influence and foreign policy
decision-making.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1474
weapons` military
Do arms have influence? Exploring the effect of transferred weapons` military capabilities on recipients` level of foreign policy cooperation
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14752021-02-05T03:41:44Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Satymbekova, Raikhan
author
2016
Women’s participation in politics has increased across the globe in the last 50 years, and this
trend is not limited to Western democracies. For example, post-Soviet Belarus and
Kazakhstan, both presidential autocracies and signatories to the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), have seen women’s
political participation increase in recent years. However, there are more women in politics in
Belarus than in Kazakhstan. What can explain this variation? Comparing the number of
women in the parliaments of Belarus and Kazakhstan over time, I find that the demand for
domestic or international support, the extent to which a country is politically and socially
linked with other states in the world, and presidential goals jointly influence female political
participation. An increase in women in parliament are not evidence of promoting
democratization and democratic representation, but rather deliberate authoritarian strategies
to bolster regime resilience and presidential power. Importantly, these findings help advance
our understanding of female political participation beyond the western world and beyond the
democratization paradigm.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1475
politics
female political participation
Female political participation and barriers that women face in politics: lessons from post-soviet Kazakstan and Belarus
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14762021-02-05T03:45:57Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Turlubekova, Zhaniya
author
2016
Several recent criminal cases against high-ranking Kazakhstani Ministry of Internal Affairs
officials who had been charged with organizing drug dealing groups of 30 to 50 members
within their departments have exposed sophisticated criminal operations involving significant
flows of cash, narcotics, and corrupt influence. Some of these officers have been convicted
and sent to prison right away, others have been initially released only to find themselves
convicted and sentenced to imprisonment a few years later, yet others escaped the
punishment. How can we explain this mixed, successful yet protracted criminal prosecution
of corrupt police officers who have been protecting drug dealing groups in what many view
as corrupt political system?
Drawing on the evidence gained from the analysis of mass media reports on drugrelated
topics, Kazakhstani criminal legislation and court records, from interviews with the
law-enforcement officials dealing with drug-trafficking (detectives, investigators, judges,
lawyers, criminals, etc.), and from participant observation of criminal trials of police officers
in Kostanay, I argue that the structure of internal and external incentives accounts for both
police involvement in organized crime and the mixed success in combatting it. Strong
internal incentives arise from Soviet legacies such as formal statistical evaluation of police
officers’ performance and from informal subculture within these law-enforcement agencies.
Meanwhile, weaker external incentives arise from imperfect legislation, pressure from
politicians, an inter-agency competition and highly developed practices of corruption, all of
which weakens law enforcement’s the ability to prosecute both organized crime and corrupt
officials. I conclude that modern Central Asian states are too weak to prosecute a relatively
new type of transnational crime such a drug trafficking. More broadly, this helps advance our
theoretical understanding of how formal and informal political institutions interact in
different political orders.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1476
drug-traffikcing
Legacies, bribes or culture? Prosecuting large-scale drug-trafficking in Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/14772018-08-15T03:49:54Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Solt, Frederick
author
Kim, Dongkyu
author
Lee, Kyu Young
author
Willardson, Spencer L
author
Kim, Seokdong
author
2014
Do neoliberal economic reforms in Latin American democracies mobilize citizens to overcome their collective action
problems and protest? A recent addition to the scholarship on this crucial question of the relationship of markets and
politics, Bellinger and Arce (2011), concludes that economic liberalization does have this effect, working to repoliticize
collective actors and reinvigorate democracy. We reexamine the article’s analyses and demonstrate that they misinterpret
the marginal effect of the variables of theoretical interest. Thus, the article’s optimistic claims about the consequences
for democracy of economic liberalization in the region are not supported by its own empirical results. It is argued here
that its results suggest instead that protests became more common in autocracies when they moved away from markets.
Rather than speaking to how people have mobilized to protest against liberal reforms in Latin America’s democracies,
the work’s analyses illuminate only when people protested against the region’s dictatorships
Frederick Solt, Dongkyu Kim, Kyu Young Lee, Spencer Willardson, Seokdong Kim; 2014; Neoliberal reform and protest in Latin American democracies: A replication and correction; Research and Politics
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1477
Neoliberal reform
political protest
Latin America
Neoliberal reform and protest in Latin American democracies: A replication and correction
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/18742018-08-15T03:50:05Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Thibault, Hélène
author
2015
This article investigates the effects of the Soviet social engineering project and forced
secularization in Central Asia. Emphasis is placed on the ideological foundations of
Marxism-Leninism, its stance on atheism, its holistic character, and its ideological
exclusivity. The article details the measures taken by authorities to eradicate religious
beliefs during the seventy years of Soviet rule. Taking the case of Tajikistan, it
highlights the remaining influence of Soviet policies on state-religion relations by
reviewing the functions and responsibilities of current regulatory institutions as well
as laws and official discourses framing religious practices.
Thibault Hélène, 2015, The Soviet Secularization Project in Central Asia: Accommodation and Institutional Legacies. http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1874
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1874
Central Asia
soviet secularization project
accommodation and institutional legacies
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
The Soviet Secularization Project in Central Asia: Accommodation and Institutional Legacies
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/18752018-08-15T03:50:05Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Thibault, Hélène
author
2016-01
Since independence in 1991, Tajikistan’s authorities have been trying to promote a unifying ideology that could inspire the whole nation. Na-tional unity is particularly challenging in this country that has been wounded by a five-year civil war (1992-1997). As religiosity has be-come more prevalent over the years, the authorities have tried to thwart the growth of Islam by promoting a conservative ideology de-void of Islamic content, resting on imagined national traditions, nation-al purity and ancient wisdom. Interestingly, the female figure has be-come increasingly instrumental in the state’s national discourse. Pat-ronizing moral recommendations focus mainly on female clothing and virtue, which have come to embody national values. The role of women in the transmission of family and patriotic values is celebrated, yet dis-courses hide a difficult reality for Tajik women who are deeply affected by poverty, labor migration, and social and state pressure...
Thibault Hélène, 2016, Female Virtue, Religion and State Ideology in Tajikistan. http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1875
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/1875
female virtue
religion
state ideology in Tajikistan
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
Female Virtue, Religion and State Ideology in Tajikistan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21702018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Savevska, Maja
author
2014
Since the Lisbon Summit the European Union has become resolute in its
intention to promote the uptake of corporate social responsibility among European
companies. The recent financial crisis has provided further impetus for evangelising CSR,
which is identified by the EU public authorities as one exit strategy from the crisis and
a promising means of fulfilling the Treaty objectives of inclusive and sustainable social
market economy. This paper finds the above assertion problematic and uses a Polanyian
framework to evaluate its validity. The paper represents a conceptual intervention in
the policy justification provided by the European Commission. Contrary to the overly
optimistic voices that see decommodifying tendencies within CSR, this paper claims that
CSR does not have a potential to re-embed the economy as argued by the Commission.
Despite its protective invocation, CSR is predicated on deepened commodification. It
depends on the staging of a special type of exchange relation, whereby reputation is
quantified and sold as a commodity by being denominated in a common unit. As such
the CSR form promoted by the Commission is a microeconomic counterpart to the regime of rule-based macroeconomic depoliticisation.
Savevska, M. (2014). Corporate Social Responsibility:: A Promising Social Innovation or a Neoliberal Strategy in Disguise? Romanian Journal of European Affairs, 14(2), 63-80.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2170
corporate social responsibility
European Union
Polanyi
disembedded
commodification
Corporate Social Responsibility: A Promising Social Innovation or a Neoliberal Strategy in Disguise?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21722018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Savevska, Maja
author
2014
In an attempt to analyse the socio-economic transformations of the European Union, an increasing number of scholars have resorted to Polanyi's double movement thesis. In doing so, some scholars, by looking at the evidence of intensified marketisation of social relations, consider the EU disembedded; whereas others identify a re-embedding tendency in the recent surge of socio-environmental protection. The paper follows Lacher, Burawoy, Dale and Streeck's readings of Polanyi and argues that the exiting socio-environmental provisions do not re-embed the economy. Socio-environmental protection does not eclipse the neoliberal accumulation strategy which continues to propagate the disembedding tendency, because it fails to decommodify fictitious commodities. The EU is characterised by a heightened intensification of both disembedding and protective tendencies, which Polanyi contends is disruptive in nature. What emerges out of the dialectics between neoliberalisation and socio-environmental provisions is a decelerated rate of change, which, although it temporarily secures the habitation of man, prevents the inception of a synthesis that is capable of sublating the contradictions of the marketisation/protection binary. Moreover, we have a paradoxical situation wherein the socio-environmental measures, despite their protective invocation, are predicated on deepened commodification.
Savevska, M. (2014). Polanyian Reading of the Socio-Economic Transformation of the European Union. Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 22(4), 395-410.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2172
Polanyi
disembedded
commodification
European Union
double-movement
Polanyian Reading of the Socio-Economic Transformation of the European Union
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23882021-02-05T04:38:41Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Ulanova, Malika
author
2017-05
The EEU policies simplified the procedure to obtain legal labor status for labor migrants
from the member states. However, Kyrgyz workers in Kazakhstan are not able to enjoy these benefits. This thesis analyzes the EEU and Kazakhstani legislation regarding labor migration as well as opinions and experiences of Kyrgyz workers, experts, and officials. It is aimed to explain what factors hinder a positive effect of the EEU policies on legal low-skilled labor migration from Kyrgyzstan to Kazakhstan.
Ulanova, Malika (2017) LEGAL LOW-SKILLED LABOR MIGRATION FROM KYRGYZSTAN TO KAZAKHSTAN: DID THE EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION MAKE A DIFFERENCE?Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2388
labor migration
Eurasian Economic Union
legal low-skilled labor
migration from Kyrgyzstan
трудовая миграция
миграция из Kыргызстана
Eвразийский Экономический Союз
Еуразия Экономикалық Қауымдастығы
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
LEGAL LOW-SKILLED LABOR MIGRATION FROM KYRGYZSTAN TO KAZAKHSTAN: DID THE EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION MAKE A DIFFERENCE?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23892021-02-05T04:49:16Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Baimuratova, Ainur
author
2017-05
How does a type of education influence the development of particular norms and beliefs
within a society? My thesis is aimed at finding the impact of Western-oriented education on sociopolitical values of young people in Kazakhstan. I use revisited modernization theory by Inglehart and Welzel (2005) and argue that students studying in Western universities possess more self-expression values such as prioritizing freedom and autonomous decision-making compared to students who attend non-Western universities. In particular, I propose three hypotheses: two of them are focused on the influence of additional years of education and content of courses on the development of self-expression values. The last one claims that studying in a Western democratic country increases the exposure to self-expression values experienced by a foreign student.
Ainur Baimuratova (2017) The impact of western education on the sociopolitical values of young adults in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2389
western education
Қазақстан жастарының саяси- әлеуметтік құндылықтары
влияние западного образования
young adults in Kazakhstan
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
THE IMPACT OF WESTERN EDUCATION ON THE SOCIOPOLITICAL VALUES OF YOUNG ADULTS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23902021-02-05T04:49:53Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Mukasheva, Zhamilya
author
2017-05
Existing literature cannot explain why some rentier states, that is, states
dependent on revenues from exports of natural resources or foreign aid, experience
significantly more civil conflicts while others remain peaceful. The first part of this
thesis seeks to explain this puzzle by examining the role of government policies. In
particular, I argue that rentier states that invest a lot in welfare policy are better able to
prevent civil conflict because high welfare spending contributes to a better institution
quality, which in turn reduces uncertainty or information asymmetry between the
rentier government and rebels. Using data on rentier states from 1980 to 2015, I find
that higher welfare spending reduces risk of a civil conflict in rentier states.
Zhamilya Mukasheva (2017) Overcoming the “resource curse”: welfare policy and civil conflict in rentier states. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2390
civil conflict
әлеуметтік саясат
азаматтық қақтығыс
welfare policy
социальная политика
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
OVERCOMING THE “RESOURCE CURSE”: WELFARE POLICY AND CIVIL CONFLICT IN RENTIER STATES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23912021-02-05T04:50:11Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Rakhimzhanova, Galiya
author
2017-05
Modernization is a unique process that in one or another way can contribute to
democratization. However, the transition to democracy is not guaranteed and includes various factors, such as the development of civil society, the openness of political institutions, and the transparency of political processes. It should be noted that mass mobilization of society and the interest of ordinary people in politics are an essential part of the modernization process. Thereby, political parties take center stage setting up a dialogue between citizens and the state.
Galiya Rakhimzhanova (2017) Modernization and political party development in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2391
political party
political party development
саяси партиялардың дамуы
развитие политических партий
модернизация политических партий
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
MODERNIZATION AND POLITICAL PARTY DEVELOPMENT IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23922021-02-05T04:50:31Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Akhmetzharov, Slyamzhar
author
2017-05
This study investigates the paradoxical politics of jury trials in Kazakhstan. In doing so, it
tries to find out the influence of jury institution on the pro-accusation bias within criminal
justice system as well as reasons for institutional resistance against the expansion of jury
trials and the ways this resistance takes form. More broadly, this research is directed
towards understanding the state-society relations in non-democratic regimes, dynamics of criminal justice reforms, conflict and cooperation within criminal justice system,
interaction between law-enforcement officials and laypersons, legal consciousness of
jurors. Generally, this study finds out that jury trials do reduce the accusation bias;
however this impact is almost invisible due to limited jurisdiction of jury institution.
Slyamzhar Akhmetzharov (2017) The politics of jury trials in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2392
politics of jury trials
политика суда присяжных
алқабилер сотының саясаты
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
THE POLITICS OF JURY TRIALS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23932021-02-05T04:50:47Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Bizhanova, Madina
author
2017-05
This thesis analyzes the role and impact of labor-free resources such as foreign aid and natural resources revenues on the level of internet freedom in non-democracies. Specifically, with help of the Freedom on the net score, which captures a level of internet freedom among 65 countries worldwide, a new dataset was collected to investigate whether non-labor resources can better explain empirical observations among non-democratic countries. By extending the selectorate theory (Bueno de Mesquita, et al. 2005) and other concepts, the paper argues that a nondemocratic country has more restrictive internet freedom as resources rents or received foreign aid are high. To test the proposed hypotheses both quantitative and qualitative methods were utilized.
Bizhanova, Madina (2017) EXPLAINING INTERNET REGULATION VARIATION IN NON-DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2393
internet regulation variation
non-democratic countries
демократия емес мемлекеттер
интернет басқару вариациялар түсіндіруі
интернет регулирования
недемократические страны
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
EXPLAINING INTERNET REGULATION VARIATION IN NON-DEMOCRATIC COUNTRIES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/23942021-02-05T04:51:19Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kunedilova, Botagoz
author
2017-05
International financial institutions (IFIs), such as the World Bank, play a significant role in
world development. The World Bank’s global agenda on ending poverty through the
implementation of various development projects has been present in Kazakhstan over almost two decades. Even though Kazakhstan is a relatively young developing Central Asian state, it has been cooperating with the World Bank since 1992, and, so far, forty seven World Bank projects were implemented in Kazakhstan (World Bank 2016b). However, the data shows that not all projects are successful, and projects have different outcomes.
Kunedilova, Botagoz (2017) IMPLEMENTATION OF THE WORLD BANK PROJECTS IN KAZAKHSTAN.Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2394
world bank projects
дуниежузілік банкының қазақстандағы жобалары
проекты всемирного банка
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE WORLD BANK PROJECTS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/28332018-08-15T03:50:18Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Van Duffel, Siegfried
author
2012-06-09
Nicholas Vrousalis has aimed to recast an old objection to the will theory of rights by focusing on Hillel Steiner’s version of that theory. He has argued that Will Theorymust either be insensitive to the (values of the) lives of the unempowerable, or be incomplete, because it has no argumentative resourceswithin its conceptual apparatus to ascribe or justify restrictions on the amount of discretion exercised by legal officials. I showthat both charges are problematic.They rely on someof Steiner’s inferenceswhich are simply unjustified because they are based on misinterpretations of the logic of Hohfeld’s terminology. The problem for Vrousalis is that his critique takes for granted some of these flawed arguments. The critique is also misdirected to the extent that it assumes that the problems with Steiner’s theory affect Will Theory in general.
Van Duffel Siegfried, 2012(June 9), In Defence of the Will Theory of Rights, Res Publica, pp.321–331
DOI 10.1007/s11158-012-9193-3
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2833
theories of rights
legal rights
moral rights
Hillel Steiner
Nicholas Vrousalis
Hohfeld
analysis of rights
Research Subject Categories::HUMANITIES and RELIGION
In Defence of the Will Theory of Rights
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/28682018-08-15T03:50:17Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Heinrich, Tobias
author
Kobayashi, Yoshiharu
author
Bryant, Kristin A.
author
2016-01-01
Summary Economic crises generally lead to reductions in foreign aid. However, the widely held view that budgetary constraints caused by economic crises reduce aid is inaccurate because donor government outlays actually tend to increase. We develop an argument that aid cuts occur because voters place a lower priority on aid during economic downturns and politicians respond by cutting aid. Using data from Eurobarometer, we demonstrate that economic downturns lead to reduced public support for helping the poor abroad. These findings are robust across a large number of alternative specifications. Our findings have implications for how advocates may prevent aid reductions during economic recessions.
Tobias Heinrich, Yoshiharu Kobayashi, Kristin A. Bryant, Public Opinion and Foreign Aid Cuts in Economic Crises, In World Development, Volume 77, 2016, Pages 66-79
0305750X
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X15001862
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2868
foreign aid
economic crises
public opinion
EU
Public Opinion and Foreign Aid Cuts in Economic Crises
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/33182021-02-05T06:34:11Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Mussin, Arman
author
2017
Several factors constrain or enable informal trade, ranging from the living conditions of the
population, for whom it is often the most viable form of livelihood, to the national institutional framework, to the typology of goods being traded. The characteristics and extent of informal trade are explored in light of the observation of these activities in the northern region of Kazakhstan. The analysis, based on fieldwork and interviews with key stakeholders such as traders, tax inspectors, and local authorities focuses on the practices and interacting institutions of informal trade. The findings show that traders employ two methods to bypass state regulations: personal networks based on trust (blat), or pecuniary exchange with or without personal connections. The thesis explores what determines traders’ choice of one method or the other in any given situation. Labor market rigidity, weak institutions, the tax system and excessive financial regulations are identified as major drivers of the development of informal trade activities. Thus, the findings suggest that informal trade is a response to changes in market conditions and regulatory regimes, especially under the adverse social, economic, and even political outcomes of the current economic recession.
Mussin, Arman (2018) PATTERNS OF INFORMAL TRADE IN PETROPAVL, KAZAKHSTAN. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3318
Republic of Kazakhstan
International Labor Organization
Kazakhstani Tenge
Petropavl
Patterns of informal trade in Petropavl, Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38772021-02-05T08:13:19Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Sailau, Kuanysh
author
2019-05-07
This paper examines the relationship between states and transnational companies (TNCs) and attempts to identify how negotiations over FDI affect the regulation of air pollution in the host states. Previous research has considered the direct effect of FDI on state regulation; however, findings associated with this strand of research are mixed. A potential development that this research is offering relates to mediating factors that shape the relationship between FDI inflows and stringency of environmental regulation. The two factors under consideration in this research are the influence of domestic polluting industry on state policy and state commitment to international environmental regime. With the former, an influential enough polluting industry within the host state can contribute towards a weaker negotiating power of the state vis-à-vis the TNC, which will result in looser regulation of air pollution. In terms of the latter, state commitment to international environmental regimes can aid the state in locking in more stringent regulation and increase its leverage in negotiations over FDI and accompanying adjustments in the regulatory environment. The findings suggest that domestic industry has a mediating effect on the relationship between FDI and regulation of air pollution, while state commitment to international agreements does not appear to have a significant effect. Overall, the paper establishes a potential framework to consider various mediating factors that can affect the relationship between FDI and environmental regulation.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3877
FDI, environmental regulation, domestic industry, international environmental regime, panel data, states and non-state actors, transnational companies
Explaining The Relationship Between FDI and Regulation of Air Pollution: The Role of Domestic Industry and State Commitment to International Agreements
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38782021-02-05T08:13:22Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Abuova, Dinara
author
2019-05-08
This research project aims to identify the impact of IMF bilateral surveillance program on the allocation of foreign aid. In particular, the study focuses on the Staff-Managed Program, one type of IMF bilateral surveillance. This study implies the way low-income countries could use the leverage of IMF Staff experts to create and send “signals” to an international community. Signals are based on two main factors: the recipient's commitment to policy adjustments and creditworthiness. The recipient sends credible signals of lack of external assistance to the donor community through the release of IMF assessment, which leads to the overall increase of the aid to the state.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3878
foreign aid, IMF, surveillance, donor
THE IMPACT OF IMF BILATERAL SURVEILLANCE ON ALLOCATION OF BILATERAL AID
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38792021-02-05T08:13:25Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Talgatova, Malika
author
2019-05-08
In this research project, I intend to address the question of how the public views their
country’s human rights situation and what factors potentially shape this judgment. While many in the academia explain why and how governments engage in human rights abuse, few works explore people’s on-the-ground perceptions of the human rights situation in their country context. Studying this phenomenon, however, may illuminate why strong demands for democracy are vocalised in some settings but generally absent in others, despite similar levels of human rights abuse. In this thesis, I test a new theory of human rights perception formation, which takes into account the informational context associated with a given regime type. I move away from the traditional division of states into democracies and non-democracies and apply a different information-based regime typology to argue that perceptions about human rights are heavily influenced by the evaluation of government performance, which in turn depends on the regime-produced informational context.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3879
human rights, public opinion, democracy, regime
PUBLIC OPINION ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION: REGIME, INFORMATION AND POLITICAL CUES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38802021-02-05T08:49:49Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Sultan, Sailaubekuly
author
2019-05-08
Controlling public opinion is a crucial talent of a dictator. Without the ability to softly change the moods of people in one direction or another, it is very difficult to pursue the intended policies. This is even more so, if such a policy would concern a potentially sensitive issue, such as religion. In this study, I explore the mechanisms of state propaganda in online news that allow Kazakhstani authorities to control public opinion of Salafism, an Islamic religious movement. I demonstrate that by properly framing political issues, the elites are able to manipulate the public opinion on this issue. After exploring the mechanisms of news framing, I test their effectiveness in a simple experiment that will reflect those mechanisms.
This research assumes that the legacy of the Soviet Union still strongly affects the leadership in post-Soviet states and informs the elites' negative perception of religion as well as the necessity to offer a counter-narrative. For this reason, the authorities are worried about the moderate religious revival in Kazakhstan, which opened the space for proliferation of both traditional and new religious movements. In addition, the 2016 terrorist attacks in Aktobe and in Almaty reinforced the elites’ mistrust towards religion. The Kazakhstani president openly blamed followers of Salafism. This resulted in the increase of governmental control over religion that is manifested in the secularization of the state. In addition, the danger of the proliferation of Salafist ideas is being countered by the moderate and traditional to Kazakhstan version of Islam, which is the Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence officially endorsed by the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Kazakhstan that cooperates with the authorities. Followers of Salafism reject the authority of the Spiritual Administration, so the government does not have the control over them. However, the authorities think that control in the question of religion is very important.
First, I conducted a content analysis of the three most popular online news agencies in the period of 2015-2018 and identify how Salafism, Hanafism, and secularism are framed in the mass media. The analysis identified three types of negative messages on Salafism: (1) followers of Salafism are morally bad, (2) Salafism is a threat to national security, (3) Salafism is foreign to Kazakhs. In addition, there is a message on Hanafi Islam: (4) Hanafism is native to Kazakhs. Besides, I found one type of message on secularism, however, this one was very persistent: (5) Kazakhstan is a secular state. This allowed me to support my proposition regarding secularization.
The experiment that I ran afterwards allowed me to measure the success of the government strategy to use media to manipulate public opinion. I tested the effectiveness of propaganda by giving the messages that appeared in real media to participants of the study, beforehand dividing them into several groups. Each group received one message discussed above and one of the groups received a message with no connection to religion. The results of the experiment demonstrate the statistically significant effect of propaganda, in particular negative messages.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3880
Kazakhstan
Religion
Islam
Propaganda
Framing theory
Media and power: controlling religion by manipulating public opinion. The case of Islam in Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38812021-02-05T08:49:52Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kryakvina, Xeniya
author
2019-05-08
The increasing flow of immigrants all over the world in the past several decades has shifted the migration policies of countries to the top of their political agendas. Alongside the potential benefits of immigration, like increases in human capital, flows of people across borders can also have a destabilizing effect on the country. Therefore, countries tend to seek migration policies that can bring a balance between the economic, international and cultural demands of the state.
Despite the best of intentions of states to balance between various types of demands, there is almost always a gap between policy and its practical implementation. Based on the example of the Russian Federation and its Compatriots Resettlement Program this project shows how the Russian government tries to balance between public demands based on the exclusivist national identity and economic need of the state to attract migrants, especially in underdeveloped regions.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3881
Migration, Russia, Compatriots Resettlement Program
EXPLAINING GAPS IN RUSSIA’S MIGRATION POLICY: THE CASE OF COMPATRIOTS RESETTLEMENT PROGRAM.
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38872021-02-05T08:50:04Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Alibayev, Yerdaulet
author
2017
This thesis is a qualitative study aimed to explore the extent to which the state and
entrepreneurs impact the transnational development of the IT sector in Kazakhstan. In this
study, I surveyed 42 IT entrepreneurs and interviewed 14 of them to understand what factors influence the transnational growth of the IT industry. These entrepreneurs have cross-border ties, consisting of professional and social connections abroad, and they represent the most prominent and growing IT companies in the country....
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3887
Kazakhstan
THE ROLE OF THE STATE AND ENTREPRENEURS IN TRANSNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF INFORMATION AND TECHNOLOGY SECTOR IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38882021-02-05T08:50:06Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kakenova, Aizhan
author
2017
In this thesis, I investigate the effect of the state language policy on the ethnic minorities’ opportunities in regards to their education and employment. My study demonstrates that one of the effects of the state language policy is a rising number of the Kazakh-language speaking population in society. Ethnic minorities argue that fluency in the state language positively contributes to their well-being. There are ethnic minorities who face significant obstacles in getting a job due to lack of fluency in the state language and they acknowledge the importance of the state language on their socio-economic success in Kazakhstan. Another effect of the Kazakhization law is on ethnic minorities’ education. Ethnic minority parents understand that proficiency in the state language will contribute to future success of their children.
Kakenova, Aizhan (2017)THE STATE LANGUAGE POLICY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON ETHNIC MINORITIES’ EMPLOYMENT AND EDUCATION OPPORTUNITIES.Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences..
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3888
THE STATE LANGUAGE POLICY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON ETHNIC MINORITIES’ EMPLOYMENT AND EDUCATION OPPORTUNITIES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39212021-02-05T08:50:11Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Altynbayeva, Zhadyra
author
2018
The scholarship on business disputes settlement in non-democracies while emphasizing the importance of lawyers cannot explain why and how they shape the businesses disputing behavior. I argue that lawyers’ case choices influence the business dispute settlement choices. Lawyers in non-democracies appear to be very important intermediaries for foreign businesses due to their informer role and dispute resolution services providing. Lawyers inform foreign businesses about the contextual peculiarities of business disputing in Kazakhstan, such as the importance of political actors. Using various data sources like legal documents, media stories, interview with lawyers and composing dataset of foreign businesses disputes against Kazakhstan, I find that when the political actors are parties to the dispute lawyers are unlikely to take the case and advise foreign businesses to settle the dispute in foreign arbitration tribunals, if that condition is supported by 100% loss of investments. The reason for such decisions lies in the awareness of the lawyers about the control political actors possess over all dispute settlement fora like arbitration, court, and negotiation. Another important factor appears to be the profit interests of the lawyers, which is comprised of time vs. money calculations and are lower in disputes with political actors. My study also reveals variation among lawyers’ perception of reputation, that determines their choices in handling the disputes.....
Zhadyra Altynbayeva (2018) Politics and business disputes: the role of lawyers in foreign business disputing in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3921
politics and business disputes
lawyers
POLITICS AND BUSINESS DISPUTES: THE ROLE OF LAWYERS IN FOREIGN BUSINESS DISPUTING IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39232021-02-05T08:50:13Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Amriyeva, Yerkezhan
author
2018
Kazakhstan has become an attractive destination for many migrants from Central
Asia, namely from Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. According to the International
Organization for Migration, in 2016 the number of registered Central Asian migrants in Kazakhstan amounted to 1.2 million people, which is 5.5 % of total Kazakhstani population (IOM 2017, 17). Given the changing economic and demographic situation in the country, the topic of perception of migrants becomes especially salient. This study aims to reveal the perceptions of Kazakhstani people towards migrants from Central Asia, analyze the factors that might explain these perceptions and to understand their implications for inter-state relations and their variation across the ethnic lines...
Yerkezhan Amriyeva (2018) Public perception of Central Asian migrants in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3923
migrants
Central Asia
PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF CENTRAL ASIAN MIGRANTS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39242021-02-05T08:50:15Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Birzhanova, Dina
author
2018
This research complements existing quantitative literature on the role of the non-permanents members in the UNSC. In particular, the research analyzes to what extent the UNSC non-permanent members successfully promote their regional agendas as regional representatives. Moreover, this analysis in its turn tries to reveal an important theoretical concern such as the ability of the less powerful states (non-permanent members) to have influence on the most powerful (the P5).
In the framework of this research the regional agenda promotion is considered as raising international attention on regional security issues and increasing the number of peacekeepers deployed to the established UN missions. Analysis of the effect of regional representation on both dimensions of regional agenda promotion is supplemented with analysis of a regional representative’s individual characteristics. The latter constitutes factors of opportunity and willingness that encourage or discourage a non-permanent member to promote its region’s agenda.
Dina Birzhanova (2018) Non-permanent membership in the un security council and regional agenda promotion: variation in regional representation. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3924
UN security council
NON-PERMANENT MEMBERSHIP IN THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL AND REGIONAL AGENDA PROMOTION: VARIATION IN REGIONAL REPRESENTATION
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39252021-02-05T08:50:18Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Nurkanova, Jamilya
author
2018
Today, Kazakhstan is only beginning to grasp the challenge of non-violent radicalization
among Muslim women. By placing Islamization within the framework of securitization, the state is reviving and adjusting the discourse on the role of women in Islam and within a secular state (Heathershaw and Montgomery, 2014). As women return from Syria and Iraq, Kazakh authorities have found themselves looking for answers - how and why do women fall into the trap of “destructive religious currents” and what are the solutions for their successful deradicalization? I explore Kazakhstan’s deradicalization of women through the work of rehabilitation centers across the country. My work aims to compare the policy’s design to its implementation, to reveal the gender bias, and to examine the relationship with the social support in which deradicalization takes place. By analyzing state-activated coercion, cooptation and propaganda, I am motivated to provide an answer to how their design and implementation shape the effectiveness of deradicalization of women.
Jamilya Nurkanova (2018) Repertoires of official deradicalization of non-violent radical muslim women in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3925
muslim women
REPERTOIRES OF OFFICIAL DERADICALIZATION OF NON-VIOLENT RADICAL MUSLIM WOMEN IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39262021-02-05T08:50:20Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Tatkeyeva, Zhanar
author
2018
This research analyzes the construction of gender roles perceptions among youth in the Kazakhstani context. The study applies Inglehart’s modernization theory that argues that socioeconomic development will lead to the change of values in the society (Inglehart 1990, 1997, 2000, Inglehart & Welzel 2005, 2010). Considering that Kazakhstan is experiencing multiple nation-building processes mostly driven by the state, three narratives appear as a re-sult: traditional, modern and postmodern narratives. These narratives result in the superposi-tion of three gender roles models: Model 1 “woman=mother, man=breadwinner”, Model 2 “woman = mother& breadwinner, man = breadwinner”, and Model 3 “woman = breadwinner and/or mother, man = breadwinner and/or father”. The study tests the following hypotheses to understand how the construction of gen-der roles perceptions operates: 1) given that Kazakhstan is experiencing multiple processes of nation-building, there will be multiple narratives in the Kazakhstani society; 2) if a gender role perception is constructed through the traditional, modern and postmodern narratives, the gender roles perception should also be mixed of three gender roles models.
Zhanar Tatkeyeva (2018) The construction of gender roles perceptions among young adults in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3926
gender
THE CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER ROLES PERCEPTIONS AMONG YOUNG ADULTS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39272021-02-05T08:50:23Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Ainabek Zhanakhmetov
author
2018
One of the most orthodox wisdoms among scholars studying compliance with international environmental agreements (IEAs) is that democratic states are far better compliers compared to autocracies. However, such focus on comparison of these two regimes has in many ways neglected the variation in meeting treaty commitments among democracies themselves. In fact, the case study of the Kyoto Protocol not only demonstrates that such variation exists, but also provides specific conditions under which democracies do not comply with international agreements. In this context, the main goal of this research was to investigate why even the most developed industrialized democracies like Australia, Norway and Japan sometimes do not fulfill their commitments to IEAs. The research theorized that this might happen due to increased unexpected costs, particularly during oil price shocks, when governments reconsider the opportunity cost of compliance and are more inclined to take advantage of higher oil prices by producing more petroleum goods. This in turn leads to the increase of greenhouse gases (GHGs) emissions. The findings of the statistical analysis of the changes in GHGs emission levels among Annex I member-states of the Kyoto Protocol from 1990 to 2015, support the main hypotheses associating oil price shocks with higher amounts of CO2 emissions and greater probability of non-compliance....
Ainabek Zhanakhmetov (2018) Explaining variation in meeting kyoto protocol targets among annex i democracies. Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3927
Kyoto Protocol
EXPLAINING VARIATION IN MEETING KYOTO PROTOCOL TARGETS AMONG ANNEX I DEMOCRACIES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/39282021-02-05T08:50:25Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Zhylysbayeva, Sanimay
author
2018
According to the official discourse of President Nazarbayev, Kazakhstan is presented
as a multiethnic state with national identity program that includes interest of all ethnic
groups. However, in academic literature there is evidence that the state’s nationalism policy is directed at reviving, strengthening, and representing the socio-cultural and political values of ethnic Kazakhs. Academics argue that the state is undergoing a so-called Kazakhisation
process. Opinions of scholars active in the academic discourse on the current situation on the national policy in Kazakhstan vary. I argue that the state has an official multiethnic policy that recognizes the principles of multiculturalism, friendship of people, and tolerance. Also, the state realizes unique multiethnic policy by putting Kazakh culture and language as a core of general Kazakhstani identity, not excluding other groups. The contribution of this research to the general literature on nationalism in Kazakhstan is that it argues for the multiethnic dimension of the Kazakhisation process, which are reflected in the state’s discourse and policies, as well as in the urban space of Astana.
Sanimay Zhylysbayeva (2018) How has kazakhisation been reflected into Astana urban space? Nazarbayev University, School of Humanities and Social Sciences.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3928
kazakhisation
urban space
HOW HAS KAZAKHISATION BEEN REFLECTED INTO ASTANA URBAN SPACE?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/42962021-02-05T09:05:51Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Toktarova, Gulden
author
2019-11
The incredibly quick development of smart technologies in the civil sector and in the sphere of war equipment, in particular, increases the public fear of future overrun by killer robots. Despite the actual absence of fully autonomous weaponry, the international community stands in opposition towards the development of weaponry that potentially will be capable of detecting and eliminating human targets without human intervention changing the nature of killing in war. With the autonomous weaponry issue and the concept of moral judgement in the case of killing in war, future technology seems to challenge the key moral principles of Just War Theory that condition the moral frames of the different stages of war. These principles are differentiation between combatants and non-combatants, reciprocal risk of death and the responsibility for the wrongdoings committed during war.
The challenges that Just War Theory faces due to the existence of smart killing technology are considered within the frame of automated weaponry instead of fully autonomous. This paper suggest the alternative conceptual clarification of the smart war technologies and sees full autonomy of the technologies as impossible in the nearest future. Our approach entails dealing with the more probable to exist weaponry - automated weaponry with lethal pre-programed activated autonomy or capable of detecting and eliminating the target based on the software without human intervention after its activation (AW). The very definition of the AW shows the need for a detailed and properly checked development of weapons technology. AWs also require the application of a wide spectrum of characteristics of the legitimate and illegitimate targets including a variety of situations and environments with respect to the moral principles of war and other International Law requirements. This important notice and other essential principles of Just War Theory are uncovered in this thesis to show the possibility of the moral use of AWs within modern warfare.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4296
Autonomous Weapons
Autonomous Robots
Just War Theory
Jus in bello
Moral rules
Automated weapons
Artificial intelligence
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES
Consideration of autonomous (automated) weapons: challenges to the Just War Theory in the Future of Warfare [Thesis]
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/44112019-12-12T21:03:36Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Sullivan, Charles
author
2019-09-16
Can nondemocratic leaders initiate a crackdown against mass protesters and suffer little in the way of political-reputational costs? In conceptualizing a "crackdown" as a government-orchestrated violent restriction of civil society involving the killing of civilians, this article analyzes how the use of force is perceived by ordinary citizens when their government represses a portion of the populace. In analyzing the findings of a 2016 survey that gauges contemporary attitudes toward the overthrow of presidents Askar Akaev (in 2005) and Kurmanbek Bakiev (in 2010), this article argues that Kyrgyzstanis evaluate the Bakiev administration more negatively than they do the Akaev administration because of the former's resort to forceful measures in attempting to quell mass protesters in April 2010. Such findings imply that nondemocratic leaders who employ force against mass protesters incur significant political-reputational costs, irrespective as to whether the wider public views the mass protests as legitimate or not.
Sullivan, C. (2019). Misruling the Masses: The Consequences of Cracking Down in Kyrgyzstan. Nationalities Papers, 47(4), 628-646. doi:10.1017/nps.2018.37
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.37
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4411
Misruling the Masses: The Consequences of Cracking Down in Kyrgyzstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46092021-02-05T09:15:44Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Tulegenova, Bakhyt
author
2020-05-01
The proportion of civil wars that involve external intervention has increased dramatically
since the end of the Cold War. So has the duration of such internationalized internal conflicts. This
thesis seeks to explain the relationship between these two phenomena by accounting for the
diversity of actors involved in civil wars. Existing research shows that multiple actors substantially
reduce the prospects for a negotiated settlement by introducing their own set of goals in the
conflict. Current civil war dynamics, however, show that parties involved in a conflict vary by the
types of their organizations. Building on the existing research, this thesis argues that types of actors
equally matter as they represent the diversity of goals that actors can pursue in civil wars. The
mixed-methods approach of the Cox proportional hazards model and a case study of the Yemeni
civil war demonstrates that greater diversity of actors leads to longer civil wars.
Tulegenova, B. (2020). Effects of Different Types of Actors on Civil War Duration (Master’s thesis, Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan). Retrieved from https://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4609
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4609
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
Effects of Different Types of Actors on Civil War Duration
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46112021-02-05T09:15:47Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Pazylbekuly, Akseleu
author
2020-05-03
In this research, I analyze what is behind the exclusion of quietist Salafi communities
in Kazakhstan. In particular, I deal with the gap in the literature that does not focus on the
communities, where Salafis are from the same ethnic group as the majority of the population.
The literature rather analyzes the effects of structural factors or their beliefs vis-à-vis their
exclusion in the context of European countries, where they are mainly from Muslim migrant
origin. I demonstrate how securitization affects Muslims in Kazakhstan. Specifically, through
conducting participant observations and in-depth interviews I show the resonance of
securitization discourses and perception of securitization practices among the general Muslim
population of the country. I also demonstrate the relationship between securitization and
governmentality concepts. I show how governmentality works in the creation of an idea of
what constitutes a population and who are the outsiders. Building on the theory of safe
communities and politics of identity I reveal how quietist Salafi communities come to hold on
to their religious identities ever tightly as a response to structural limitation created by the
securitization from the government. Securitization, which creates structural problems in the
form of discrimination, security checks, and negative attitudes, pushes the quietist Salafi
communities to develop safe communities, where they can freely practice the religion
according to their religious canons, thus, shielding themselves from the outside negative
treatment.
Pazylbekuly, A. (2020). Securitization and Exclusion of Salafi Communities in Kazakhstan (Master’s thesis, Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan). Retrieved from http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4611
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4611
Research Subject Categories::HUMANITIES and RELIGION
Securitization and Exclusion of Salafi Communities in Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46382021-02-05T09:16:05Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Yergeshbay, Temirlan
author
2020-05-07
This paper aims to fill an important theoretical gap in the existing literature in the understanding of the motivations behind citizen participation in party activism. Party activism is especially intriguing in this era of party in decline. While scholars differentiate several distinct types of motivations in party participation, the context for motivation largely remains to be understudied. This paper contributes to scholarly literature by showing that region, age and official membership have a strong effect on citizen participation in party activism.
Using new survey data collected through fieldwork in Ukraine, this study examines the motivations of party activists in Ukraine’s 2019 parliamentary elections. Previous scholarly works have shown the vital contributions of party activists, who help mediate between parties and voters (Scarrow 1996). Running for election does not merely necessitate the acquisition of resources through activities like fundraising, it also requires the help of party activists who serve as a liaison between the candidate, the party, and the electorate. This paper builds on scholarly studies, which show that political party activists are driven by various motivations (Kirkpatrick 1976; Costantini and Valenty 1996). I further contribute to the existing scholarship by showing that context, such as region, age and party membership, may significantly affect the level of party activism.
The original survey data was collected in the three Ukrainian cities of Kiev (north/capital), Lviv (west), and Kharkiv (east), via a survey of 201 party activists representing such political parties as Servant of the People, Opposition Platform - For Life and European Solidarity. The survey was conducted over the course of two weeks from July 7 to July 19, right before the parliamentary elections took place on July 21, 2019. Since the subjects of this study are party ‘activists’ (not formal members with membership cards), it was crucial to conduct the survey when the party activists were visibly in action.
Though the data collected and used in this research project is not representative of the whole country, this original survey dataset illustrates that party activists in the western regions of Ukraine are more ideologically (purposive) motivated than party activists in the eastern regions of Ukraine. Moreover, party activists’ age, income and official membership in parties demonstrated a strong relationship with activists’ level of purposiveness, as findings were statistically significant. In other words, older party activists and those with official membership cards in parties are more likely to be purposively motivated than younger and non-member activists. While gender and the highest degree of formal education exhibit certain variations in their relationship with activists’ level of purposiveness, the findings were statistically insignificant.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4638
party activists
motivation
Ukraine
political parties
Motivations of Party Activists in Ukraine
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46392021-11-07T09:57:10Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Utrobina, Arina
author
2020-05-07
This research analyzes the perceptions of female politicians by the young generation in Kazakhstan. The study is based on several findings of the Western scholars and previous studies conducted during the recent years. Kazakhstan is ranked 60th in the Global Gender Gap Index (2018), which is higher than Ukraine, Greece and Czech Republic. At the same time, women hold 27% of the seats in the Parliament of Kazakhstan, but the attitudes of the Kazakhstani electorate toward the female politicians had not been studied properly since 1998. The Nazarbayev generation grew up under the rule of the authoritarian leader Nursultan Nazarbayev and have never witnessed fair elections in the country. The Nazarbayev generation was born after Nursultan Nazarbayev took power in Kazakhstan; the age of the representatives varies between 18-29 years. This study aims to answer the following research questions: 1) How politicians’ gender and voters’ gender stereotypes interact to shape the outcomes of leadership choice? 2) Do voters with different language preferences evaluate female politicians differently?
A survey was conducted among the students of two universities – Nazarbayev University (Nur-Sultan) and the IT-university (Almaty). The findings demonstrate that during the last 20 years the perception of the female politicians by the young generation in Kazakhstan improved significantly, although the gender stereotypes about “feminine” and “masculine” policy domains still exist. At the same time, the results of multivariate regression analysis demonstrate that people with stronger gender stereotypes evaluate male politicians more positively than female politicians, whereas people with weaker gender stereotypes evaluate the female candidates more positively. At the same time, Kazakh-speaking respondents evaluated the female politicians more positively than Russian-speakers. This study provides valuable information for further research on ethnic and gender stereotypes, and political attitudes of the Nazarbayev generation.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4639
political science
female politicians
perception
Kazakhstan
political participation
Perception of female politicians by the young generation in Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46852021-02-05T09:21:33Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Nurtas, Alina
author
2020-05-01
This thesis focuses on how Kazakhstan used environment as a foreign policy tool and
how the environmental foreign policy is articulated in yearly presidential addresses. I am
interested whether environmental issues are in fact on the foreign policy agenda and what are
the objectives and means by which environment is put on forward. Why Kazakhstan is a
signatory to a list of environmental treaties, but is continuously found not to comply?
Addressing this broader question brings to asking more specific theoretical questions. What
are the domestic political constraints that preclude Kazakhstan’s environmentalism from
being instrumental rather than rhetorical? Who is the intended audience of Kazakhstan’s well
stated environmental rhetoric?
Kazakhstan’s environmental foreign policy is articulated in yearly presidential
addresses and implemented in light of the state’s multi-vector foreign policy. Building on
existing research and analysis of the yearly presidential addresses, this thesis finds that
foreign policy and policy preferences in general are delivered in yearly presidential addresses.
Channeling foreign policy by means of presidential addresses allows the state to advocate its
interests, meet public expectations and strengthen the existing political regime.
To understand why Kazakhstan is a signatory to a number of environmental treaties
without compliance, I conducted process-tracing of governmental documents and local news
coverage of the state’s environmental initiatives. Then I contrasted the local environmental
rhetoric to what is being said by international organizations. To conceptualize and then
analyze the government’s environmental messaging to domestic audience, I studied yearly
presidential addresses to the people of Kazakhstan. Therefore, I used R software to uncover
the message in the presidents’ yearly addresses. On the basis of my findings, I have reached
two conclusions. First, I found that domestic political constraints preclude Kazakhstan’s environmentalism from being instrumental rather than rhetorical. Second, having done a
thorough analysis of the yearly presidential addresses between 1997 and 2019, I found that
Kazakhstan’s environmental foreign policy is targeting domestic audience rather than
international audience. Overall I find that Kazakhstan’s eagerness to join international
environmental treaties and conventions is the result of the state’s attempts to promote regime
friendly images and solidify the state legitimacy.
In other words, Kazakhstan exploits its foreign policy as a tool to shape the identity of
its citizens by means of glorification of the policy and the first president’s personality.
Likewise the state’s consequent reluctance to implement changes to the environmental
legislation is the result of domestic political constraints, and it is the state’s attempts to
reconcile the diverse interests of domestic actors through glorifying the regime in yearly
presidential addresses.
Nurtas, A. (2020). T Environment as a Foreign Policy Tool: The Case of Kazakhstan (Master’s thesis, Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan). Retrieved from https://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4685
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4685
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
Environment as a Foreign Policy Tool: The Case of Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/46832021-02-05T09:21:38Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Ramankulova, Leila
author
2020-05-03
Nation branding is a process by which countries seek to create an attractive image and
manipulate its external perception. The process of branding a nation involves a broad array of
activities from an advertisement on TV and journals to much more extensive public diplomacy
initiatives. In effect, since it deals with international positioning and perception of a state,
nation branding is often referred to as an effective soft power building tool. At the same time,
however, nation is a complex political and social construct that can hardly be branded as a
usual commercial product. Indeed, nation branding is inherently intertwined with the political
discourses within the state, and in the case of Kazakhstan, the enthusiastically implemented
branding initiatives took place in the backdrop of the post-Soviet nation-building efforts of the
government.
In this thesis, I have critically examined Kazakhstan’s nation branding efforts mainly
controlled and implemented by the government. This has been done by analyzing the content
of the official documents as well as interviewing civil servants, experts, and individuals that
have been directly engaged in the branding processes. In doing so, I argue that nation branding
in the context of Kazakhstan serves as both a soft power-enhancing and nation-building tool of
the state. By depicting Kazakhstan as a progressively developing, forward-looking and
peaceful country with a rich history, the state elites seek to position the country as a legitimate
international player. But also, such an image is fully consistent with the internal state narrative
on nation-building thus allowing the state elites to reproduce and consolidate their vision of
the nation and path of its development.
Ramankulova, L. (2020). Nation Branding: An Instrument of Soft Power or Nation-Building? The Case of Kazakhstan (Master’s thesis, Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan). Retrieved from https://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4683
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4683
Research Subject Categories::HUMANITIES and RELIGION
Nation Branding: An Instrument of Soft Power or Nation-Building? The Case of Kazakhstan
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/48352021-02-05T09:41:01Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Lim, Haewon
author
2020
Public diplomacy has been the tool of choice for countries trying to gain international influence. With cultural centers such as the British Council, and Alliance Française having its roots from the late 19th to early 20th century, and exchange programs such as Fulbright program after WWII, there is a tendency for powerful countries utilizing public diplomacy to procure its interests in the international field. However, there is a divide within the literature on whether only governments could be an agent of public diplomacy. Through this thesis I will show that while non-governmental organizations could be used by a government as an agent for public diplomacy, there are certain risks with it. Turkey’s use of Kazakh Turkish Lyceum(KTL) is a very peculiar example of public diplomacy and shows the risks of working with NGOs for public diplomacy. Literature has long shown that the KTL system was organized by the Gülen Movement (GM) and that they were mission schools disguised as secular schools. However, this paper demonstrates that KTL shares many similarities with the public diplomacy apparatuses, and their ties with Ankara show that it had served Ankara as a public diplomacy apparatus.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4835
Public Diplomacy
KAZAKH TURKISH LYCEUM AS A PUBLIC DIPLOMACY TOOL OF TURKEY IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/52132021-02-05T07:55:10Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Gibatov, Olzhas
author
2021-01-18
In the modern context of global and domestic politics, with the increase in both international human rights regime and domestic constraints, migrant receiving states are limited in their ability to pursue restrictive measures. In this context, externalization, which refers to set of actions aimed at shifting the responsibility of dealing with migration to third parties outside of one’s border, allows states to diffuse political costs associated with migration control without facing potential backlash.
This research project aims at identifying what factors determine successful implementation of externalization of migration management in transit states. The existing literature on the subject focuses its attention on the powerful destination states and attempts to explain externalization from the perspective of an asymmetrical relationship, where a more powerful actor determines the implementation of remote control practices. However, such an approach to the matter of externalization fails to account for the success of certain remote control practices and not others. I remedy this by shifting focus to the perspective of transit states with regards to the implementation of remote control practices. I propose an incentive-based approach as an explanation of successful implementation of externalization. In this sense, I argue that the consideration of potential incentives that come with the adoption of externalization play a more decisive role in determining the implementation of remote control practices than merely the wishes of a dominant state in an asymmetrical power relationship. These incentives include financial support, cooperation in a broader political and economic domain, and increasing legitimacy. In this research I rely on the cases of Morocco and its relationship with the European Union, and Mexico and its relationship with the United States.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5213
domestic politics
global politics
migration management
transit states
migration control
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Demography
EXTERNALIZATION OF MIGRATION CONTROL IN TRANSIT STATES: THE CASES OF MOROCCO AND MEXICO
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/53882021-08-16T07:10:58Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Gulzar, Basit
author
2021-05
This thesis aims to study the condition(s) that influenced the rally around the flag effect in Pakistan’s crises with the US and India between 2011 and 2019. The motivation to study these crises is threefold. First, the elected civilian government completed its term in 2013 for the first time since the independence of Pakistan in 1947 from the British empire, which could signify the shift towards the democratic institutions and crisis decision-making through these institutions as well as a reduced role of the military. Second, the decisions taken by Pakistan during these international crises with India and the US were different in each of these crises despite having similar crisis triggers. This difference in crisis responses by Pakistan provided an opportunity to study which of these responses rallied the public in support and whether there was any common condition in the behavior of Pakistan’s civilian and military leadership that could have resulted in the rally effect. Third, conventional wisdom suggests that the rally effect is observed in democratic countries because the public can punish the elected leadership through institutions. On the other hand, there is growing literature that suggests that the rally effect is also observed in non-democracies. The four crises discussed in this thesis provide an opportunity to address these empirical and theoretical puzzles. In the absence of leadership public surveys in Pakistan that have been used in the literature as an indicator of the rally effect, an indirect measure, namely a change in anger, was used to collect evidence of the rally effect. The sentiment analysis of the editorials of two English daily newspapers, Dawn and The Nation, suggests that the public rallied in support of the decisions taken in Salala Attack Crisis and Indian Airstrike Crisis. The analysis of press releases issued by Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs representing the civilian government and Pakistan’s Inter Services Public Relations representing the military suggests that the civilian-military coordination was present in the crises that had the rally effect.
Basit, G. (2021). Civil-Military Coordination a Necessary Condition in Rallying the Public in Pakistan (Unpublished master's thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5388
International Crisis
Rally Around The Flag
Inter-Agency Coordination
Sentiment Analysis
LIWC
Contextualizer
Type of access: Open Access
CIVIL-MILITARY COORDINATION A NECESSARY CONDITION IN RALLYING THE PUBLIC IN PAKISTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/53902021-05-13T21:00:33Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Sagadiyeva, Aruzhan
author
2021-05-11
Kazakhstan is the only post-Soviet state that decriminalized polygyny. It did so quietly in 1997. Yet, since then, the Kazakhstani government repeatedly allowed public discussions on the legalization of polygyny, a taboo topic. Drawing on my interviews with policy-makers, I argue that Kazakhstani leaders appear to strive for the public acceptance of polygyny as a normal condition of life for the members of the ruling elite. They justify the normalcy of polygamous families by connecting polygyny to historical precedents, Islamic norms and Kazakh customs. As a result, polygyny is gradually perceived as commonplace for the rulers, while members of de-facto polygamous families might gain material and symbolic benefits. However, I also show that the circumcised public debate about polygyny enhances the public image of the rulers. Yet this debate lacks deep deliberation about state-religion and gender relations.
I also explore the manipulative nature of this polygyny debate. Drawing on the content analysis of the media stories and Google Trends internet search statistics, I show that Kazakhstani leaders are more likely to 1) provoke the beginning of the public discussions of the legalization of polygyny as a short-term tactic to distract public attention from regime-threatening issues, and 2) stop discussing polygyny when the threat to the regime disappears. Drawing on the theories of agenda-building and authoritarian deliberation, I explore the timing, the length and the degree of the shallowness of the public debate over the legalization of polygyny. The lack of discussions of the decriminalization of polygyny in 1997, the short-lived debates on the legalization of polygyny in 2001 and 2008, as well as the weakness of the claims and arguments made during the deliberation of the initiative to legalize polygyny could be indicative of the manipulative nature of the attention-diverting tactic. My findings about the use of social taboos contribute to theories of personal and political legitimation of authoritarian rulers.
Sagadiyeva, A. (2021). Social Taboos and Political Legitimation: Debating Polygyny in Post-Soviet Kazakhstan (Unpublished master's thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5390
Type of access: Gated Access
legalization of polygyny
taboo
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES
SOCIAL TABOOS AND POLITICAL LEGITIMATION: DEBATING POLYGYNY IN POST-SOVIET KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/53912021-05-13T21:00:34Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
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Matzhanova, Kamila
author
2021-05-11
Kazakhstan is active in reforming its pension system compared to other Post-Soviet states. In the last three decades since it became independent, it had two major and three less significant pension reforms. This master thesis focuses on the political determinants of two major ones. The first reform occurred in 1998 and introduced private pension funds and departed from the Soviet solidarity pay-as-you-go system. After 15 years of having a private pension fund, Kazakhstan initiated the reversal of privatization in 2013. Simultaneously, the increase in the women's retirement age was announced as part of the reform. It is puzzling that while having the same starting point with other Post-Soviet states such as Russia and Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan decided to adopt a transitional approach compared to the former's translational one. This master thesis suggests that the fractionalization of the government in 1998 explains why the reform was adopted in the way it was. Coalition-building processes within the government accompanied by the power consolidation process in one’s hands by the 2010s as well as the rhetoric of state modernization could explain 2013’s reform. Using qualitative research methods this thesis claims that coalitions within the government and political dynamics of Kazakhstan caused these two reforms.
Matzhanova, K. (2021). Political Determinants of Pension Reforms in Kazakhstan: Cases of 1998 and 2013 Pension Reforms (Unpublished master's thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5391
Type of access: Gated Access
Research Subject Categories::LAW/JURISPRUDENCE
Privatization Pioneer
1998 and 2013 reforms
Reversal of privatization
Kazakhstan’s welfare state system
POLITICAL DETERMINANTS OF PENSION REFORMS IN KAZAKHSTAN: CASES OF 1998 AND 2013 PENSION REFORMS
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/53862021-05-12T21:00:37Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Amirseiit, Alaidar
author
2021-05-11
There is an inherent problem with the way the term cyberattack is being used. The term cyberattack is applied to any type of hostile interaction that occurs within cyberspace and presented as either act of war or a criminal act. Cyberattacks are not binary, they represent a continuum of acts both violent and non-violent. Hence, the point of this thesis is to answer What types of cyberattacks can be classified as non-violent, violent alternatives to war and acts of war? I develop a classification model that accurately classifies cyberattacks based on the scale and effect of the cyberattack.
The existing literature on cyberattacks presents them as non-violent alternatives to war, as cyberattacks are non-kinetic and existing cyberattacks have not caused deaths of civilians or any level of destruction. However, such a perspective is limited, as cyberattacks have a potential to cause deaths and destruction. I remedy this by discussing what makes non-violent alternatives to war non-violent, and what makes violent alternatives violent. Furthermore, I dive into the consideration of what constitutes acts of war and develop the rule of the 3Ds, which states that for a use of force to be considered as an act of war, it needs to cause significant destruction, significant disruption, and numerous deaths. Based on these considerations, I use the severity scale of the Dyadic Cyber Incident Dataset developed by Maness, Valeriano, and Jensen (2019) to accurately establish thresholds for cyberattacks that fit within categories of non-violent alternatives to war, violent alternatives to war and acts of war. In this research I rely on the cyberattack case of Stuxnet and cyberattack cases derived from popular culture: TV series Homeland and Die Hard 4.0.
Alaidar, A. (2021). Cyberattacks as Alternatives to War and Acts of War. (Unpublished master's thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5386
war
Type of access: Open Access
cyberattacks
non-violent alternatives
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES
CYBERATTACKS AS ALTERNATIVES TO WAR AND ACTS OF WAR
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/54412021-05-31T21:00:27Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Lim, Vlad
author
2021-05
In this research, I analyze the causes of violent confrontations that have taken place in
Kazakhstan since independence. In particular, I close an important gap in the literature: most works
have focused on certain aspects of ethnic problems in the country, such as language, migration, and
Kazakhization, while the causes of violent clashes themselves have been understudied. Thus, my
research demonstrates the roots of grievances that lead to mobilization of the titular ethnic group
along ethnic lines. I studied the conducive role of Kazakhization on the perception of ethnic
superiority among Kazakhs, demonstrating how the government promotes Kazakhness among
population. Kazakhization has played an important role contributing to the level of grievances
among ethnic Kazakhs. Also, I conducted a careful case selection to find the most suitable cases for
examination. I created a sample with three pairs of villages with common characteristics, where non Kazakh ethnic groups form the majority. The only difference between the pairs was the outcome.
Thus, one sample from each pair experienced violent confrontations, while the other did not. Once
I finished selecting cases, I proceeded to the actual examination of the theory. I studied the existence
of two essential conditions thatseed the feeling ofdeprivation and can be responsible forthe variation
across the pairs: poverty and inequality. Specifically, by looking at the data that measures level of
poverty, I show a correlation between violent confrontations and poverty rate. However, taking into
account that poverty is a common feature to all villages from my Sample size, I found that it is the
perception of inequality that is responsible for the variation. Since the data on violent clashes in
Kazakhstan is quite limited and can hardly be complete and reliable, I conducted a field study, where
I collected first-source data from surveys and in-depth interviews. The data from my field trip
reveals the correspondence between the feeling of relative inequality, reinforced grievances and the
outcome. Moreover, it shows that the ethnic distribution of business ownership can be a trigger that
determines the outcome. To be more specific, in the villages where major businesses and properties
belonged to ethnic Kazakhs, violent clashes did not occur, whilst in the villages, where major
businesses and v
properties belonged to ethnic minorities, violent confrontation did occur. Thus, building on the
theory of relative deprivation I reveal how business ownership leads to the feelings of deprivation
and subsequent grievances, which results in violent confrontations
Lim, V. (2021). Causes of ethnic clashes in Kazakhstan (Unpublished master`s thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5441
Type of access: Open Access
ethnic relations
USSR
violent confrontations
CAUSES OF ETHNIC CLASHES IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/54752021-07-01T04:12:40Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Li, Yelena
author
2021-06-18
In this thesis, I study South Korea’s immigrant admission and incorporation approach and how it affects the socio-cultural integration of ethnic Korean migrants from Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries of the former Soviet Union. South Korea’s immigrant admission and incorporation approach is characterized by liberal admission policies for labor migrants, specifically co-ethnics, but restrictive policies for a secure future, including family reunification, permanent residence, and citizenship. I argue that this approach places CIS Koreans in a state of limbo, where they are uncertain whether they are short-term visitors or long-term residents, ethnic Koreans or labor migrants. Because the South Korea’s approach resembles an assimilation approach, socio-cultural integration which is proxied as language acquisition in this thesis is a first and significant step for integration. I conduct narrative interviews, online surveying, and online observations. The interview answers show that CIS Koreans indeed feel uncertain about their future due to the ‘secure future’ policies. The narratives of the interviewees confirm that the CIS Koreans would be more willing to invest resources into language learning process in the case if the policies for family reunification, permanent residence and citizenship were more liberal.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5475
Migration Migrant Integration Labor migration South Korea
THE ROLE OF THE SOUTH KOREA’S GOVERNMENT IMMIGRATION APPROACH IN CIS KOREANS’ SOCIO-CULTURAL INTEGRATION
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/56122021-07-27T21:00:33Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1462
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Caron, Jean-François
author
2020
This introductory section identifies how the Covid-19 may either contribute to exacerbate the current problems of Political Modernity or accelerate certain political phenomena that may result in challenges to the world order.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5612
Covid-19
A SKETCH OF THE WORLD AFTER THE COVID-19 CRISIS: ESSAYS ON POLITICAL AUTHORITY, THE FUTURE OF GLOBALIZATION, AND THE RISE OF CHINA
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/56132021-07-27T21:00:26Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1462
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Caron, Jean-François
author
2021
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5613
Pandemic
LA CITOYENNETÉ IRRESPONSABLE : LES RACINES CULTURELLES DE LA CRISE DE L'AUTORITÉ EN TEMPS DE PANDÉMIE
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/56142021-07-27T21:00:35Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1462
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Caron, Jean-François
author
2020
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5614
Machiavellianism
LE PRINCE 2020 DE L’USAGE DE LA DICTATURE AU 21E SIÈCLE ?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/56152021-07-27T21:00:30Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1462
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Caron, Jean-François
author
2021
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5615
Terrorism
L’OCCIDENT FACE AU TERRORISME : REGARDS CRITIQUES SUR 20 ANS DE LUTTE CONTRE LE TERRORISME
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/57032021-08-25T21:00:44Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Collins, Neil
author
2020-09-08
Human branding has become an essential issue in political marketing. It is exemplified in the election of American Presidents. This paper examines the American experience to suggest a typology of human branding that may apply in both presidential and other political systems. It examines examples of presidential human brands from George Washington on but, given significant changes to electoral procedures, concentrates on first-time successful presidential candidates since 1901. The fourfold typology offers an interrelated set of ideal types that will augment the analysis of human branding. It is applied to presidents when they take up office rather than after serving. The typology draws on the source of primary brand association and relation to the core political system of each politician
Collins, N. Campaigning by Human Branding: Associating with American Presidents. Fudan J. Hum. Soc. Sci. 13, 495–515 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40647-020-00298-z
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5703
Human branding
Branding by association
US presidential elections
Typology
Political marketing
Type of access: Open Access
CAMPAIGNING BY HUMAN BRANDING: ASSOCIATING WITH AMERICAN PRESIDENTS
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/57322021-08-31T21:00:31Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Mukhambet, Ali
author
2021
The thesis research analyzes the mimicking in the Russian propaganda campaign on Facebook against the US in 2016. I identify a gap in the literature: the scholars have noted that Russia has mimicked American activists by creating groups on Facebook that wrote about political and social issues but they have not studied the effects and effectiveness of the mimicking. Consequently, the focus of the research is to find the effects of mimicking of the Russian propaganda campaign on Facebook. To analyze mimicking, I used the Facebook dataset shared by the US House of Representatives on the Russian propaganda campaign in 2016 against the US. Through the content and regression analyses, I found the following effects: the propaganda messages with more sophisticated mimicking of the rhetoric of their targeted audience on Facebook have attracted more attention and led to higher engagement rates. The implication of the finding is that such propaganda campaigns may have the capacity to amplify the polarization of the society by providing polarizing content on social media more reach, while its reach might be limited by the mimicking itself. Whether amplification of polarization occurred in actuality and the extent of it requires further research. Other implications of mimicking in foreign political propaganda have also been discussed.
Mukhambet, A. (2021). Propaganda through Mimicking: The 2016 IRA Propaganda Campaign on Facebook in the U.S. (Unpublished master`s thesis). Nazarbayev University, Nur-sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5732
Mimicking in Propaganda, Digital Propaganda, Presidential elections in the US in 2016, Internet Research Agency
Type of access: Open
PROPAGANDA THROUGH MIMICKING: THE 2016 IRA PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN ON FACEBOOK IN THE U.S.
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/58052021-09-16T21:00:46Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Schenk, Caress
author
2021-02-09
Migrants are an easy, visible Other, seeming to fall neatly into the us-versus-Them framework of nationalism. Nevertheless, much of the scholarly approach to migrant identity, with the partial exception of a largely separate literature on citizenship, has eschewed overt ties to nationalism studies. When us-versus-Them language is used in relation to nationalism, the focus or nodal point is the identity of the seemingly homogenous us of the nation. However, when migrants are othered, the focus is not always the nation, and while othering migrants always creates exclusion, it is not always exclusion from a nation or identity group. This state of the field article analyzes the literature on populism, securitization, biopolitics, and other critical scholarship related to the issue of othering migrants. In each of these bodies of work, different sets of us are set against migrants, some of which evoke identity and others of which do not, elucidating the links (or the lack thereof) of each approach to the study of nationalism. In each of these frameworks, the migrant Other comes up against a different frame of reference, leaving migrants themselves (or any sense of migrant identity) somewhat lost amid the analytical frameworks, at continual risk of being re-othered as victims of circumstance without agency.
Schenk, C. (2021). The Migrant Other: Exclusion without Nationalism? Nationalities Papers, 49(3), 397–408. https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.82
0090-5992
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/nationalities-papers/article/migrant-other-exclusion-without-nationalism/5998270EB16BCDEFC2F57907DDBFD75F
https://doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.82
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5805
biopolitics
migration
populism
securitization
Type of access: Open Access
THE MIGRANT OTHER: EXCLUSION WITHOUT NATIONALISM?
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59902022-02-01T21:00:09Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Dall’Agnola, Jasmin
author
Thibault, Hélène
author
2021-08-18
In recent years, the institution of marriage in Muslim Central Asia has undergone profound transformations in terms of religious dynamics, migration patterns, and the impact of globalization. In Kazakhstan between 2014 and 2019, every third marriage ended in divorce. By examining how Muslim Kazakhs’ support for divorce and casual sex is related to their consumption of information obtained on the Internet, mobile phone, and social media, this study contributes to the growing body of literature on the transformative forces of information and communication technology (ICT) in Kazakhstan and Central Asia. It uses a mixed-method approach that contrasts wider statistical trends from the World Values Survey Wave 7 country dataset on Kazakhstan with empirical data from focus groups conducted in five different regions of the country in 2019, involving a total of 96 respondents. The findings from the statistical and non-statistical analysis show that frequent exposure to information online influences Muslim Kazakhs’ support for extramarital affairs and divorce. Yet, frequent use of ICTs does not necessarily weaken the institution of marriage. Apart from its effect on university-educated female Kazakh youth, it seems to reinforce traditional understanding of marriage obligations among older generations and young men.
Dall’Agnola, J., & Thibault, H. (2021). Online Temptations: Divorce and Extramarital Affairs in Kazakhstan. Religions, 12(8), 654. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12080654
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5990
Type of access: Open Access
divorce
Islam
information and communication technologies
Kazakhstan
ONLINE TEMPTATIONS: DIVORCE AND EXTRAMARITAL AFFAIRS IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61142023-11-11T14:45:36Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Caron, Jean-Francois
author
2022-03-24
Avec l’invasion de l’Ukraine par les troupes de Vladimir Poutine, plusieurs ont vu dans ce geste le retour à un monde international anarchique et hobbesien au sein duquel les grandes puissances s’octroient désormais le droit d’attaquer des états plus faibles. Qu’en est-il réellement ? Et si Vladimir Poutine ne faisait que reproduire la logique étasunienne des 30 dernières années marquée par des actions unilatérales et souvent en contradiction avec le droit international ?
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6114
War in Ukraine
UNE GUERRE QUI AURAIT PU ÊTRE ÉVITÉE
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61022023-11-11T14:45:36Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Chacha, Mwita
author
2020
Despite state resilience and the waning of the ‘Europe of the Regions’, European
integration persists in affecting subnational actors. Subnational actors have
maintained lobbying offices in Brussels to access European Union institutions
while others have continued to organize around regionalist parties in the
European Parliament. This study explores whether and how EU membership
has influenced decentralization. I argue that states exposed to
Europeanization, candidates and members of the EU, decentralize more
compared to non-EU states. Quantitative tests using recent data on regional
authority and three case studies of France, Poland, and Spain provide support
for this argument. This article contributes to the research on Europeanization
and multilevel governance by focusing on state-level motivations for
decentralization. This study’s findings allude to the need of examining how
other facets of European integration affect subnational actors and
investigating variations in decentralization between EU member-states.
Chacha, M. (2019). European Union membership status and decentralization: A top-down approach. Regional & Federal Studies, 30(1), 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2019.1632296
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6102
Type of access: Open Access
Europeanization
regional authority
decentralization
European Union
self-rule
EUROPEAN UNION MEMBERSHIP STATUS AND DECENTRALIZATION: A TOP-DOWN APPROACH
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61132022-07-01T08:13:11Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Caron, Jean-Francois
author
2022-03-31
Vladimir Poutine aurait-il perdu la raison? Voilà la thèse qui domine chez plusieurs qui voient dans le déclenchement d’une guerre dans laquelle son armée s’enlise la preuve irréfutable de ce qu’ils avancent. Et si la réalité était plus complexe et subtile qu’elle n’y paraît au premier abord?
Caron, J.-F. (2022, April 5). Sur La Folie de Vladimir poutine. Sur la folie de Vladimir Poutine. Retrieved April 11, 2022, from https://peacediplomacy.org/2022/03/30/sur-la-folie-de-vladimir-poutine/
https://peacediplomacy.org/2022/03/30/sur-la-folie-de-vladimir-poutine/
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6113
Ukraine
Russian Federation
Policy
Type of access: Open Access
SUR LA FOLIE DE VLADIMIR POUTINE
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61122022-07-01T08:12:39Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Caron, Jean-Francois
author
2022-04-08
Cette série de textes de réflexion ont pour objectif de fournir un éclairage autour de certaines questions que la guerre en Ukraine a contribué à soulever, à savoir les causes de ce conflit, l’efficacité et la moral-ité des sanctions économiques imposées à la Russie, sur l’irrationalité de Vladimir Poutine ainsi que les perspectives d’avenir de ce conflit non seulement sur les relations russo-ukrainiennes, mais aussi sur le monde global qui est en train de se dessiner à travers ce conflit. Cette note est la troisième dans cette série. Pour lire les deux premiers, cliquez ici et ici...
Caron, J.-F. (n.d.). Des sanctions économiques IM- morales. Retrieved April 11, 2022, from https://peacediplomacy.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Des-sanctions-economiques-immorales.pdf
https://peacediplomacy.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Des-sanctions-economiques-immorales.pdf
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6112
Ukraine
Policy
Russian Federation
Type of access: Open Access
DES SANCTIONS ÉCONOMIQUES IMMORALES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61522022-06-10T21:00:20Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Orazbek, Miras
author
2022-05
This study explores the peculiarities of the mass democracy movement in Belarus,
particularly domestic and foreign mechanisms that opposition, protesters and other
representatives of the Belarusian democracy movement utilize to endure under the repressive
government of President Alyaksandr Lukashenka. I demonstrate that by gradually shifting their
resistance strategies and embracing extensive foreign political-financial support, the
democracy movement in Belarus has been able to withstand substantial domestic pressure and
continue to operate under harsh autocratic settings.
Miras Orazbek (2022). Resilience of the mass democracy movement in Belarus. Nazarbayev University, Nur-sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6152
Type of access: Open Access
mass democracy movement
Belarus
RESILIENCE OF THE MASS DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN BELARUS
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61542022-06-10T21:00:22Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Aibassova, Aigerim
author
2022-05
Social media is one of the most prominent spaces for communication in the 21st century
and as such is deeply intertwined with our political life being both its reflection and influencer.
Due to this phenomenon, there is a rising interest among scholars in using social media to predict
election results with mixed results. This thesis aims to test the connection between political
processes, regime types, and predictive power of social media data by using two countries as
case studies: the United States and Russia. Several tentative results are produced. Firstly, the
predictive power of online opinions is revealed to be higher for the US as compared to Russia –
presumably due to the former’s democratic and the latter’s non-democratic political system.
Secondly, filtering on certain sociodemographic groups can affect the accuracy of predictions.
For instance, while only selecting large city urban populations can increase the errors in
predictions for both countries, removing tweets from election candidates can have an asymmetric
effect in two countries: improving the predictions for Russia, while decreasing their accuracy for
the US. While the results have little claim to generalizability across regime types, they can
provide a starting groundwork for further research on the way different political phenomena and
conditions shape the way election predictions can be improved.
Akerke Mazhibiyeva (2022). Predicting election results using online sentiments in Russia and the US. Nazarbayev University, Nur-sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6154
Type of access: Restricted
election
online sentiments
Russia
USA
PREDICTING ELECTION RESULTS USING ONLINE SENTIMENTS IN RUSSIA AND THE US
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61552022-06-10T21:00:23Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
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Kazhenova, Damira
author
2022-05
This study is aimed to explore how gender order becomes hegemonic by enforcing the
standards of hegemonic femininity on women in social media spaces that makes them
question their bodily autonomy and behavior. In particular, the thesis explores how
standards of hegemonic femininity is extensively utilized by the public in order to glorify
national culture and traditions that allows the public to come up with the definition
behind what it means to be a Kazakh woman, thereby, normalizing punishing those
women whose behavior does not align with these standards. By relying on discourse
analysis to analyze the content of the available comments found on Instagram, this study
represents an attempt to research modern Kazakh nationalism from a critical gendered
perspective with a focus on gender-based violence. Thereby, I argue that the diffusion of
gender discourses that takes place online contributes to the construction of hegemonic
standards of femininity that perpetuates the normalization of gender-based violence as
culturally appropriate as well as negative attitudes towards the members of LGBTQ
communities as alien to the national identity.
Damira Kazhenova (2022). Gender order and hegemonic femininity: how the digital construction of gender perpetuates the normalization of gender based violence in Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev University, Nur-sultan, Kazakhstan
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6155
Type of access: Open Access
violence
Kazakhstan
hegemonic femininity
gender perpetuates
GENDER ORDER AND HEGEMONIC FEMININITY: HOW THE DIGITAL CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER PERPETUATES THE NORMALIZATION OF GENDER BASED VIOLENCE IN KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/63872022-07-08T21:00:39Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1026
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Zhunussova, Darina
author
2022
These autoethnographic poems reflect how Islamic patriarchal culture influences non-religious women in a Muslim-dominant Kazakhstan. The majority of the country's population identifies itself as Muslim, and the government pursues the traditionalization of values directed at the national revival. The core of this process deals with the re-imagination of the pre-Soviet patriarchal past, with women and men having different roles and statuses. For me, as a Kazakh woman and a citizen of Kazakhstan, not following this process equals being a marginalized minority. In an attempt to address the position of these minorities, I explore Islamic patriarchy's effects on society and women.
Zhunussova, D. (2021). A Religion Not Mine: Four Autoethnographic Poems about the Influence of Islam on Non‐Religious Women in Muslim‐Dominant Kazakhstan. Anthropology and Humanism, 47(1), 211–216. https://doi.org/10.1111/anhu.12361
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6387
Type of access: Open Access
Religion
Non-Religious Women
Muslim
A RELIGION NOT MINE: FOUR AUTOETHNOGRAPHIC POEMS ABOUT THE INFLUENCE OF ISLAM ON NON-RELIGIOUS WOMEN IN MUSLIM-DOMINANT KAZAKHSTAN
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/69082023-11-14T03:34:09Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
dc
Makhtayeva, Aisulu
author
2023
The academic literature does not provide a convincing and comprehensive explanation for the impact that media framing has had on the growing support for right-wing populism in the Czech Republic. To fill the gap in the literature, this thesis empirically explores the issues that are framed in the media, which results in the increasing support for right-wing populism, the proxy for which is the votes given to populist parties in the Czech parliamentary elections over the course of the past years. After it was determined that factors such as immigration, crime rates, and unemployment rates are highly associated with the popularity of right-wing populism, content analysis and personal interviews were conducted to understand whether or not the media framing plays a role in the rising support for right-wing populists. In spite of the fact that the rate of immigration in the Czech Republic is significantly lower than in the other countries of the European Union, the findings suggest that media framing has an indicative influence on the outcome of electorate results due to the large pool of newspaper consumers in the Czech Republic.
Makhtayeva, A. (2022). Media framing and the rising nature of support for right-wing populism: the case of the Czech republic. Nazarbayev University - School Of Sciences and Humanities
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6908
Type of access: Restricted
right-wing populism
Czech republic
Media
MEDIA FRAMING AND THE RISING NATURE OF SUPPORT FOR RIGHT-WING POPULISM: THE CASE OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/70472023-05-07T09:07:06Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
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Zhumadilov, Temirlan
author
2023-05
One of the most perplexing phenomena that took place during the global COVID-19 pandemic is the increased number of protests and demonstrations, with the United States leading the world in the number of protests in 2020. Drawing on relative deprivation and social identity theories, this thesis examines the impact of policy stringency, income inequality, and political polarization on the likelihood of COVID-19 protests in the US. The empirical analysis combined county-month observation data on protests between March 12, 2020, to March 13, 2021. The results indicate that (a) both strict policies and income inequality were instrumental in driving not only COVID-19 protests but other protest movements like Black Lives Matter and Trump protests; (b) higher income inequality dampens the effect of strict policies on protests; (c) the interaction between mean grievances and grievance polarization is not statistically significant, albeit moving in the expected direction; (d) increase in the Democrat voter population is consistently positively associated with the protests; (e) only predominantly Republican populations tend to protest strict containment policies against the Democrat governor suggesting asymmetrical political polarization. Findings contribute to the literature on impact of the COVID-19, theories of collective action, and the phenomena of political polarization in the US.
Zhumadilov, T. (2023). US versus them: explaining COVID-19 protests in the US. School of Sciences and Humanities
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/7047
protests
partisanship
political polarization
American politics
collective action
social identity theory
relative deprivation theory
COVID-19
US VERSUS THEM: EXPLAINING COVID-19 PROTESTS IN THE US
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/70492023-05-22T21:01:46Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
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Alpayeva, Karina
author
2023-05-05
The increasing significance of foreign direct investment (FDI) as a source of capital for countries globally is widely acknowledged. FDI, which brings foreign currency, capital, and technology to host nations, has been recognized as a catalyst for competition and market access at the international level. As such, developing nations may leverage FDI inflows to stimulate economic growth by investing in priority sectors, particularly in instances where the demand for investment outstrips domestic savings. The volume of FDI inflows into developing countries has steadily risen from 2007 to 2018, exceeding the amounts received by advanced and emerging economies in 2019. Given that many developing nations lack democratic political regimes, which have traditionally influenced investment attractiveness, it is appropriate to explore alternative explanations. One potential factor is the level of state capacity in developing countries, which encompasses fiscal and legal capacities that do not always correlate with a country's level of democracy. This study challenges the notion of the significant effect of regime type and investigates the relationship between FDI, state capacity, and natural resources. The findings suggest that (a) regulatory quality is significant predictor of FDI inflows in developing countries, and (b) the impact of state capacity and its individual dimensions varies depending on whether a country has limited or extensive access to natural resources.
Alpayeva, K. (2023). State Capacity and Natural Resources as Determinants Of FDI Inflows in Developing Countries. School of Sciences and Humanities
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/7049
Type of access: Open Access
state capacity
natural resources
developing countries
FDI
STATE CAPACITY AND NATURAL RESOURCES AS DETERMINANTS OF FDI INFLOWS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/73272023-07-25T21:00:50Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
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Kurmashev, Magzhan
author
2023-05-10
This Master's Thesis researches the moderating effect of political clientelism on negative economic conditions that affect the approval ratings of incumbent politicians, namely the president or the prime minister. The study examines the extent to which clientelistic linkages between voters (clients) and political figures or parties (patrons) can moderate the relationship between economic indicators and the approval ratings of the incumbents. Using a quantitative methods approach, the research analyses Time-Series Cross-Section data that includes approval ratings of incumbent presidents or governments; key economic indicators, such as inflation, unemployment, national currency depreciation, and the GDP growth rate; the political clientelism index; and control variables of the honeymoon effect (first year in office). The data sample is made up of observations in 14 countries that arrive from different regions of the globe: North America, Latin America, Western Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. The results are mixed. On the one hand, we see that political clientelism has a significant positive marginal effect on approval ratings. On the other hand, the results indicate that the moderating effect of political clientelism has no significant impact on the link between economic indicators and incumbent approval ratings. The study contributes to the existing literature on political clientelism by emphasising its significance for comprehending the dynamics of political approval ratings in nations with different tiers of democracy and freedoms, as well as economic development. Further studies are needed in this direction in order to develop new perspectives about the relationship between the literature on approval ratings and the literature on political clientelism.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/7327
voting behaviour
political clientelism
approval ratings
economic shocks
voter-party linkages
programmatic distribution
risk-averse voting
patron-client exchanges
Quid pro Quo: How Political Clientelism moderates the Effect of Economic Shocks on Approval Ratings
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/72472023-06-22T21:01:15Zcom_123456789_499com_123456789_86com_123456789_67col_123456789_1027
00925njm 22002777a 4500
dc
Kurmashev, Magzhan
author
2023
This Master's Thesis researches the moderating effect of political clientelism on negative economic conditions that affect the approval ratings of incumbent politicians, namely the president or the prime minister. The study examines the extent to which clientelistic linkages between voters (clients) and political figures or parties (patrons) can moderate the relationship between economic indicators and the approval ratings of the incumbents. Using a quantitative methods approach, the research analyses Time-Series Cross-Section data that includes approval ratings of incumbent presidents or governments; key economic indicators, such as inflation, unemployment, national currency depreciation, and the GDP growth rate; the political clientelism index; and control variables of the honeymoon effect (first year in office). The data sample is made up of observations in 14 countries that arrive from different regions of the globe: North America, Latin America, Western Europe, the Middle East, and East Asia. The results are mixed. On the one hand, we see that political clientelism has a significant positive marginal effect on approval ratings. On the other hand, the results indicate that the moderating effect of political clientelism has no significant impact on the link between economic indicators and incumbent approval ratings. The study contributes to the existing literature on political clientelism by emphasising its significance for comprehending the dynamics of political approval ratings in nations with different tiers of democracy and freedoms, as well as economic development. Further studies are needed in this direction in order to develop new perspectives about the relationship between the literature on approval ratings and the literature on political clientelism.
Kurmashev, M. (2023). Quid pro quo: how political clientelism moderates the effect of economic shocks on approval ratings. School of Sciences and Humanities
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/7247
Type of access: Restricted
political clientelism
QUID PRO QUO
economic conditions
QUID PRO QUO: HOW POLITICAL CLIENTELISM MODERATES THE EFFECT OF ECONOMIC SHOCKS ON APPROVAL RATINGS