2024-03-29T02:18:09Zhttp://nur.nu.edu.kz/oai/requestoai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8012018-08-15T03:49:45Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Nwokora, Zim
2015-11-24T04:03:33Z
2015-11-24T04:03:33Z
2015
Riccardo Pelizzo and Zim Nwokora. "The political consequences of party system change" Politics and Policy 43.4 (2015): 453-473. DOI: 10.1111/polp.12124
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/801
This article engages one of the important gaps in the literature on party system effects: the consequences of party system change. We discuss how existing empirical approaches to party system change do not actually capture the changeability of patterns of party competition, which is the most direct understanding of the term “party system.” We propose a measure that does exactly this: the index of fluidity. Applying this measure to countries in South East Asia, we show that party system change is associated with harmful effects,including lower foreign direct investment and deterioration of the rule of law.
en
party systems
political systems
comparative politics
measuring party system change
Index of fluidity
party system effects
Interparty competition
cross-national studies
party system stability
Instability
public policy
foreign investment
rule of law
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
The political consequences of party system change
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8022018-08-15T03:49:45Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Nwokora, Zim
Kinyondo, Abel
2015-11-24T04:28:11Z
2015-11-24T04:28:11Z
2015
Riccardo Pelizzo, Abel Kinyondo, and Zim Nwokora. "The costs of party system change: the case of Tanzania" African Politics and Policy 1.3 (2015): 1-11.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/802
Pelizzo, Kinyondo and Nwokora argue that party system changes and increases in party system changeability have generally been associated with a worsening democratic quality.
en
parties
party systems
democracy
Tanzania
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
The costs of party system change: the case of Tanzania
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8032018-08-15T03:49:45Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Omer, Baris
2015-11-24T05:45:30Z
2015-11-24T05:45:30Z
2015
Riccardo Pelizzo and Omer F. Baris. "Governance, business environment, and foreign direct investments" African Politics and Policy 1.2 (2015): 1-23.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/803
In this paper we investigate the relationship between the quality of governance, the business environment and foreign direct investments. Looking at 49 countries in Africa, we present evidence supporting the claim that the quality of governance does affect the stability of policies and the quality of the business environment. However, our data analysis also reveals that neither the quality of governance nor the quality of the business environment have any impact, at least in Sub-Saharan Africa on the level of FDI.
en
quality of governance
the business environment
governance
Governance, business environment and foreign direct investments
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8042018-08-15T03:49:45Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Kinyondo, Abel
2015-11-24T05:58:24Z
2015-11-24T05:58:24Z
2015
Riccardo Pelizzo and Abel Kinyondo. "Tourism and employment: the case of Togo" African Politics and Policy 1.1 (2015): 18-29.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/804
This paper sets to investigate whether and to what extent the development of tourism sector in Togo is associated with and possibly responsible for economic growth, employment creation and generation of wealth in the country. Results from this paper shows that the development of tourism in Togo has created both business and employment opportunities and that the expansion of the workforce in this sector has been associated with, and to some extent it has been responsible for, a decline in the unemployment rate in the country. In light of these findings, we recommend that the Togolese government should ensure that the tourism sector is strategically built in such a way that it forms an integral part of all of its development plans and that more serious efforts are invested in marketing the sector which is currently largely underutilized.
en
tourism sector
employment
tourism
Tourism and employment: the case of Togo
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8112018-08-15T03:49:39Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Bandyopadhyay, Sruti
2015-11-25T10:29:06Z
2015-11-25T10:29:06Z
2013
Riccardo Pelizzo and Sruti Bandyopadhyay. 2013. "Organization, mandate, performance: PACs in the Asian region"
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/811
The paper is divided in four parts. Part One provides some information concerning the size, the partisan affiliation of the Chairpersons, the representation of opposition parties and the size of the support staff of the Asian PACs. Part two discusses the way in which PACs are set up, the dispositions under which they operate and the scope of their mandate. Part Three discusses the amount of activities carried out by PACs in the Asian region, while in the final part we draw some conclusions.
en
PAC
mandate
performance
organization
Organization, mandate, performance: PACs in the Asian region
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8132018-08-15T03:49:43Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Kindra, Gurprit
2015-11-25T10:40:05Z
2015-11-25T10:40:05Z
2012
Riccardo Pelizzo and Gurprit Kindra. 2012. "Party System Fragmentation and PAC Performance: the Case of India"
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/813
While the political consequences of party system fragmentation have extensively been discussed in the literature, little to no attention has been paid to whether the fragmentation of the party system affects the performance of public accounts committees. The purpose of this paper is to fill this gap by investigating the relationship between the fragmentation of the Indian party system on the one hand and the performance of the Indian public account committee. The evidence presented in the paper sustains the claim that such relationship is curvilinear which means that rising levels of fragmentation are beneficial to PAC performance up to a certain point, while they prevent its effective performance when they exceed a critical value.
en
Indian party
party systems
parties
Party system fragmentation
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
Party system fragmentation and PAC performance: the Case of India
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/8142018-08-15T03:49:43Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2015-11-25T10:44:45Z
2015-11-25T10:44:45Z
2012-01
Riccardo Pelizzo. 2012. "A new index of legislative oversight"
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/814
The purpose of this paper is to present a new index of legislative oversight. Building on the work by Stapenhurst (2011), who argued that a proper index of legislative oversight capacity should reflect not only legislatures’ internal oversight capacity but also the impact of contextual factors, we devise and propose a modified version of the Stapenhurst. The results of the empirical analyses presented in the paper sustain the claim that when properly operationalized and measured, legislative oversight capacity is a good predictor of legislative oversight effectiveness and other policy relevant results.
en
index of legislative oversight
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
A new index of legislative oversight
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20902018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-22T08:59:15Z
2016-12-22T08:59:15Z
2008
Colin Knox; 2008; Kazakhstan: Modernising Government in the Context of Political Inertia; International Review of Administrative Sciences; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2090
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2090
Kazakhstan declared its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 and joined the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since then it has witnessed a remarkable economic transformation under the leadership of President Nursultan Nazarbayev. Pursuing a policy of ‘economy first and then politics’, Kazakhstan is under growing pressure to engage in political reforms which include a modernisation agenda to improve public service provision. Recent constitutional reforms have received a lukewarm reaction from the international community which Kazakhstan is keen to become part of. At the same time a progressive agenda of public services reform is well under way rooted in new public management and a desire to become much more customer focussed in their orientation. This article examines the parallel themes of political reforms and public services modernisation in Kazakhstan.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Kazakhstan
political reforms
Kazakhstan: Modernising Government in the Context of Political Inertia
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20912018-08-15T03:50:04Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Borooah, Vani
Knox, Colin
2016-12-22T09:19:16Z
2016-12-22T09:19:16Z
2015
Vani Borooah and Colin Knox; 2015; Segregation, Inequality, and Educational Performance in Northern Ireland: Problems and Solutions; International Journal of Education Development; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2091
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2091
Some 16 years after the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, the legacy of the conflict in Northern Ireland is most clearly evident in the delivery of key public services. The focus of this paper is the highly segregated and unequal system of education provision and the attempts made to tackle these problems at the post-primary level. First, in terms of performance, post-primary educational outcomes are hugely variable: this is the problem of performance inequality. Second, pupils from deprived backgrounds – pupils entitled to free school meals and those with special educational needs are grossly under-represented in Northern Ireland’s top-performing (grammar) schools: this is the problem of access inequality. Third, as a corollary of two separate systems of education – Protestant and Catholic - there is ‘segregation’ of pupils by school type: Catholic pupils attend maintained schools and Protestant pupils attend controlled schools and, in consequence, rarely have the opportunity to meet and interact in a school setting. In the face of these problems, this paper proposes a novel approach entitled shared education. Under this scheme, schools of different religious backgrounds will enter into ‘partnerships for excellence’ to promote good educational outcomes through a sharing of resources and pooling of expertise and, by doing so, help to dismantle the boundaries which separate Northern Ireland’s pupils
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
Educational Performance
Segregation, Inequality, and Educational Performance in Northern Ireland: Problems and Solutions
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20922018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Yessimova, Sholpan
2016-12-22T09:59:30Z
2016-12-22T09:59:30Z
2015
Colin Knox and Sholpan Yessimova; 2015; State-Society Relations: NGOs in Kazakhstan; Journal of Civil Society; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2092
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2092
Kazakhstan has provided the economic exemplar for other Commonwealth of Independent State (CIS) countries since its independence in 1991 following the collapse of the Soviet Union. It has been classified by the World Bank as an ‘upper middle income’ country and witnessed sustained growth in spite of the global recession. Political reforms however have been slower to realise and the Presidential Republic still remains a highly centralised and autocratic regime. Some 23 years beyond independence this paper assesses whether the role played by the NGO sector has changed and, as a consequence, the asymmetric state-society fulcrum has shifted in favour of a stronger societal voice in Kazakhstan. It finds mixed evidence of partnership between NGOs and Government and ongoing problems in exercising public voice and moderating the power of the state
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
NGOs
Kazakhstan
State-Society Relations: NGOs in Kazakhstan
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20932018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Borooah, Vani
Knox, Colin
2016-12-22T10:22:28Z
2016-12-22T10:22:28Z
2014
Vani Borooah and Colin Knox; 2014; Access and Performance Inequalities – post-primary education in Northern Ireland; Journal of Poverty and Social Justice
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2093
Northern Ireland's schools system is undergoing a radical review. The first stage in this process is to reform the post-primary sector in response to the Education Minister's call to 'put pupils first' and raise the overall standard of educational performance. An excess of school places, reduction in public expenditure on education, and opportunities to examine segregated schooling have all hastened this reform. Drawing on data gathered by education bodies for the purposes of the review, this paper examines those factors which best explain education performance and highlights the social injustices in the existing system.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Access to education
Northern Ireland
performance inequalities
post-primary education
Access and Performance Inequalities – post-primary education in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20942018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Carmichael, Paul
2016-12-22T11:25:32Z
2016-12-22T11:25:32Z
2004
Colin Knox and Paul Carmichael; 2004; Improving Public Services: Public Administration Reform in Northern Ireland; Journal of Social Policy; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2094
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2094
The devolved government in Northern Ireland set about the task of putting in place ‘a modern and effective system of public administration that can deliver high quality public services to our citizens’. It did so through a review of public administration launched in June 2002. This paper offers a formative evaluation of the quest to improve the quality of public services, now being taken forward by a British minister since the suspension of devolution. It argues that the review is being driven by institutional concerns and is devoid of a public service modernising agenda. Additionally, it contends that how people in Northern Ireland perceive public services is contingent on their views on its constitutional status (Direct Rule or devolved government) which, in turn, is linked to their support for the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, rather than the performance of public bodies. As a consequence, the reforms may result in little more than institutional tinkering with doubtful impact on the quality of public services
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
Public Administration
Improving Public Services: Public Administration Reform in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20952018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Carmichael, Paul
2016-12-23T05:13:11Z
2016-12-23T05:13:11Z
2010
Colin Knox and Paul Carmichael; 2010; Devolution in Northern Ireland; Public Money and Management: Debate Piece; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2095
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2095
Northern Ireland should not have received an invitation to the ‘10 years of devolution’ celebration party! Power was devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly and its Executive Committee of Ministers on Thursday 2nd December 1999 following the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement on 10th April 1998. Things went downhill quickly thereafter! The Blair Government saw devolution as a mechanism to advance the peace process by encouraging republicans and loyalists into an elected assembly and weaning them away from violence. The (then) Ulster Unionist Party leader agreed to share power with Sinn Féin on the condition that they decommissioned their weaponry. When this didn’t happen, suspension of the devolved Assembly followed on 11th February 2000. This fitful process was to continue and devolution was suspended indefinitely for the fourth time by the (then) Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, John Reid, in October 2002 due to ‘a lack of trust and loss of confidence on both sides of the community’ precipitated, in part, by accusations made against Sinn Féin of intelligence gathering in Stormont - a charge vehemently denied by republicans.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
devolution
Devolution in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20962018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-23T05:25:24Z
2016-12-23T05:25:24Z
2003
Colin Knox; 2003; ‘Joined-Up’ Government: An integrated response to communal violence in Northern Ireland?; Policy and Politics; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2096
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2096
The growing recognition that social problems are multi-faceted and need to be tackled in a way which cut-across traditional departmental boundaries has heralded the advent of joined-up government. Yet this new emphasis does not appear to have permeated the provision of public services in Northern Ireland in their response to the increasingly pervasive social problem of communal violence perpetrated by paramilitaries against those suspected of committing crime within their own communities. This paper examines the response of governmental and non-governmental agencies to this issue and questions whether victims of violence could benefit from an integrated approach. A deep suspicion and mistrust of the statutory authorities and the ‘undeserving’ character of victims currently militate against a joined-up approach.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Joined-up
Violence
Northern Ireland
Criminal justice
‘Joined-Up’ Government: An integrated response to communal violence in Northern Ireland?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20972018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-23T05:55:22Z
2016-12-23T05:55:22Z
2009
Colin Knox; 2009; The Politics of Local Government Reform in Northern Ireland; Local Government Studies; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2097
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2097
A major review of public administration in Northern Ireland has resulted in proposals for radical reforms in health, education, and local government services. Although originating from the devolved government of 1999, intermittent suspensions resulted in Direct Rule Ministers taking over responsibility for the review. This article traces the influence of a sizeable body of research evidence on the outcomes of the review, specifically controversial reforms to local government, and the significant influence attached to macro political factors in reaching key public policy decisions. It also highlights the asymmetry in power relations between Stormont and local government and how devolution has simply compounded regional centralism in Northern Ireland.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
Government Reform
The Politics of Local Government Reform in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20982018-08-15T03:50:01Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-26T06:19:52Z
2016-12-26T06:19:52Z
2012
Colin Knox; 2012; The reform of public administration in Northern Ireland: A squandered opportunity?; Administration; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2098
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2098
The Review of Public Administration in Northern Ireland was heralded at its
launch in 2002 by the then First Minister as an opportunity to put in place ‘a
modern, accountable, effective system of public administration that can
deliver a high quality set of public services’. Some ten years on, it remains a
work in progress. The process of reform became enmeshed in the on-off
pattern of devolution, at which point direct rule ministers in the Northern
Ireland Office assumed control and reached ‘final’ decisions in 2006 to
radically restructure local government, education, health and other public
bodies. With the restoration of devolution, local ministers felt no sense of
ownership of the reforms and made significant changes. What started out as a
rational exercise in administrative reform became mired in party politics and
is unlikely to complete until 2015
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Public administration
Northern Ireland
local government
education
health
public bodies
The reform of public administration in Northern Ireland: A squandered opportunity?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/20992018-08-15T03:50:04Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-26T07:41:14Z
2016-12-26T07:41:14Z
2013
Colin Knox; 2013; From the Margins to the Mainstream: Community Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland; Journal of Peacebuilding and Development; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2099
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2099
Paramilitary organisations exerted a stranglehold on working class loyalist and republican communities in Northern Ireland during the conflict. In the absence of an effective and legitimate policing service, paramilitaries developed an alternative ‘justice’ system in which they ‘punished’ those accused of committing crimes against the community. They adopted a punitive system of control which included threats or warnings, public humiliation, curfew, exiling, beatings and shootings. This article traces the evolution of this system from illegal paramilitary ‘policing’ through to restorative justice schemes which, over time, have become a recognised part of the formal criminal justice system. Specifically it examines the role which a series of evaluations had on influencing this transformation. At the very least, policy evaluation informed the political debate and provided evidence to move restorative justice from illegal activities to an integral part of the criminal justice system
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
restorative justice
paramilitaries
evaluation
Northern Ireland
From the Margins to the Mainstream: Community Restorative Justice in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21002018-08-15T03:50:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Carmichael, Paul
Knox, Colin
2016-12-26T08:16:52Z
2016-12-26T08:16:52Z
2005
Paul Carmichael and Colin Knox; 2005; The Reform of Public Administration in Northern Ireland: From Principles to Practice; Political Studies; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2100
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2100
The system of public administration in Northern Ireland has, perhaps inevitably, been of secondary concern amid over 30 years of inter-communal sectarian strife. Faced with combating terrorism, successive UK governments wouldn’t consider reform of the Province’s local public administration, pending a resolution of the wider constitutional imbroglio. Consequently, much of the system atrophied, becoming progressively more cumbersome and ill-equipped to deal with the requirements of modern government. Moreover, to help minimize charges of sectarian discrimination, quangos provided many public services, compounding the ‘democratic deficit’ of Direct Rule. In 1998, the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, offered a breakthrough in the search for a durable settlement that could command cross community support. As part of subsequent devolved Executive’s ‘Programme for Government’, a Review of Public Administration (RPA) was launched to consider sub-regional governance arrangements with a view to enhancing democratic accountability and improving efficiency through streamlining the current arrangements. To that end, the Review has been committed to adhering to clear principles on which any credible reform should be based. While devolution itself has proved fitful, the work of the RPA has continued apace. Although embarking on reforms within functioning devolution is ministers’ preferred option, there is a determination to continue the reform process irrespective of the present impasse. This paper outlines the issues, values and concepts that might shape the principles for conducting a Review before considering the particular context within Northern Ireland and the impediments to overhauling the present arrangements and speculating on the likely outcome (ENDS).
The structure and operation of Northern Ireland’s wider system of public administration were accorded a lowly priority by successive British Governments throughout ‘the Troubles’. With murder and mayhem threatening to engulf them, Northern Ireland Office ministers were preoccupied with managing the most intractable and wearisome corner of the UK’s territorial estate. As the temporary expedient of Direct Rule matured into ‘permanent impermanence’, any meaningful overhaul was effectively embargoed. Consequently, while recognition of the need for reform enjoyed rare universal consent of the key protagonists, ministers felt little inclination to immerse themselves in thankless upheaval, the inevitable outcome of which would be controversial, divisive and problematic. However, the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement (1998) lifted this extended moratorium and, in their ‘Programme for Government’, Northern Ireland’s new political masters launched a ‘Review of Public Administration’ in 2002. Moreover, despite the subsequently fitful experience of devolution, their resolve has survived the re-imposition of Direct Rule. Thus, in the medium term, there is every prospect of substantial reform notably sub-regional governance in Northern Ireland. This paper seeks to accomplish two key objectives. First, it outlines the key issues, values and concepts that inform the development of principles for reappraising the continuing viability of any system of public administration. Second, it considers the particular context obtaining within Northern Ireland and the associated impediments to overhauling the present arrangements, speculating on the revised configuration likely to emerge
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Public Administration
Northern Ireland
The Reform of Public Administration in Northern Ireland: From Principles to Practice
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21012018-08-15T03:50:03Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Carmichael, Paul
Knox, Colin
2016-12-26T11:00:39Z
2016-12-26T11:00:39Z
2004
Paul Carmichael and Colin Knox; 2004; Special Issue on Northern Ireland “Devolution, Governance and the Peace Process”; Terrorism and Political Violence; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2101
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2101
Devolution and the associated mechanisms of governance - a power-sharing Executive, elected Assembly, cross-border bodies, a reformed system of public administration and civic engagement, are part of the wider mosaic of peace building. Their implementation is an attempt to institutionalise stability and copper-fasten a political settlement. This paper outlines the changing governmental arrangements obtaining within Northern Ireland, as it has shifted tentatively away from Direct Rule. It maps the wider public sector in Northern Ireland, including civil administration (chiefly the Northern Ireland Civil Service), an extended mosaic of non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs) and other public agencies that, together with local government, form a complex multi-layered sub-regional governance. Our contention is that the manner in which the administration of Northern Ireland has been conducted yields fruitful insights into issues of territorial management in other areas afflicted by intractable constitutional wrangles and attendant violence. In short, an agreed system of governance is integral to the transition from conflict to peace (or at least stability) and, in the case of Northern Ireland, was central to the substance of the Belfast Agreement, characterised by a power-sharing Executive
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
Governance
public administration
Special Issue on Northern Ireland “Devolution, Governance and the Peace Process”
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21022018-08-15T03:50:04Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Carmichael, Paul
2016-12-26T11:07:43Z
2016-12-26T11:07:43Z
2006
Colin Knox and Paul Carmichael; 2006; Bureau Shuffling? The Review of Public Administration in Northern Ireland; Public Administration; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2102
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2102
The Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement 1998 resulted in the return of devolved government to Northern Ireland and, with it, a decision by the Executive and Assembly to conduct a radical review of public administration. As the review reaches its final stages this paper considers the likely outcomes. It argues that the parameters of the review will limit its impact and describes the reform proposals as structural changes or administrative rationalisation, devoid of a wider modernising approach to improving public services. The on/off nature of devolution could result in ‘one of the major tasks for devolved government’ (according to the Northern Ireland Executive) being implemented by Direct Rule ministers
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Public Administration
Northern Ireland
Bureau Shuffling? The Review of Public Administration in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21032018-08-15T03:50:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Qun, Zhang
2016-12-26T11:17:36Z
2016-12-26T11:17:36Z
2007
Colin Knox and Zhang Qun; 2007; Building Public Service-Oriented Government in China; The International Journal of Public Sector Management; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2103
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2103
Purpose: Legislative hearings are a relatively new way of encouraging citizen participation in administrative law making within China. The first such hearing in Liaoning Province (Dalian City) was held in April 2005. This paper examines the detail of the hearing process and attempts to assess its effectiveness as a mechanism for engagement between citizen and the state.
Methodology: The authors consider both the practicalities of running a public hearing and its influence on the legal regulations under scrutiny. More generally, and within the limits of one case study, we consider whether hearings have the potential to shift the balance of power away from the state and its officials towards a more inclusive form of decision making.
Research implications: Finally, the paper examines whether citizen participation, as a means of public service-oriented government in China, has been influenced by the wider global reform process of New Public Management (NPM) and modernisation, synonymous with developed countries
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
citizen participation
legislative hearing
modernisation
Building Public Service-Oriented Government in China
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21042018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-27T03:09:56Z
2016-12-27T03:09:56Z
2002
Colin Knox; 2002; ‘See no evil, hear no evil’: Insidious Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland; British Journal of Criminology; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2104
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2104
Northern Ireland has been variously described as having an ‘imperfect peace’ in which ‘acceptable levels of violence’ persist. Despite the endorsement of the main political parties to the principles of ‘democracy and non-violence’ enshrined in the Belfast Agreement, an insidious and brutalising form of paramilitary violence continues within communities. The government has opted to ‘see no evil, hear no evil’ given what is at stake in the wider political process. According to this approach, one must accept certain violent excesses in the interest of moving forward politically. This, however, creates both conceptual and practical problems around the issue of violence in Northern Ireland. By conceding that paramilitaries ‘police’ the informal criminal justice system in their areas with political and, in most cases, legal impunity, the government, de facto, defines what is ‘an acceptable level of violence’. This paper considers the nature and extent of ongoing paramilitary violence, how it has become enmeshed in the negotiated settlement and the consequences of this politicisation of violence.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
paramilitary violence
‘See no evil, hear no evil’: Insidious Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21052023-11-11T14:45:47Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-27T03:16:03Z
2016-12-27T03:16:03Z
2009
Colin Knox; 2009; Dealing with Sectoral Corruption in Bangladesh: developing citizen involvement; Public Administration and Development; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2105
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2105
Bangladesh has had a troubled political history since gaining independence in 1971 and is also beleaguered by poverty and natural environmental disasters. In particular however, corruption is blighting its prospects for economic growth, undermining the rule of law, and damaging the legitimacy of the political process. This paper adopts a sectoral approach to the study of corruption by examining people’s experiences of using health and education services in Bangladesh through a large scale quantitative survey. It also presents case study research which assesses the impact of anti-corruption work by Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) in the areas of health and education. The paper concludes that: the poorest in Bangladesh are most penalised by corruption; there are significant benefits for health and education service users resulting from TIB’s interventions; and there is a need for committed political leadership beyond the period of the current caretaker government if ongoing efforts to tackle corruption are to be effective and sustainable.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Bangladesh
corruption
Transparency International
public services
Dealing with Sectoral Corruption in Bangladesh: developing citizen involvement
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21062018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2016-12-27T03:25:02Z
2016-12-27T03:25:02Z
2001
Colin Knox; 2001; Establishing Research Legitimacy in the Contested Political Ground of Contemporary Northern Ireland; Qualitative Research; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2106
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2106
Despite the plethora of literature on the macro politics of Northern Ireland, there is a dearth of material on grassroots activity, in particular the dynamic between communities and paramilitary groups which enforce ‘law and order’ in working class areas. Political progress in the form of the Belfast Agreement (1998) has overshadowed the ongoing level of violence at the micro level and the voice of victims remains unheard in the search to attain a greater goal – a long-term political and constitutional settlement. This paper examines the methodological difficulties in establishing research legitimacy in the contested political arenas of Northern Ireland. It considers issues of access, establishing the researchers’ bona fides, openness and transparency, language and personal security, and offers some insights into research in sensitive topics
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Northern Ireland
Legitimacy
Establishing Research Legitimacy in the Contested Political Ground of Contemporary Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21482018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Hughes, Joanne
2017-01-05T10:36:22Z
2017-01-05T10:36:22Z
1994
Knox, C., & Hughes, J. (1994). Equality and equity: An emerging government policy in northern ireland. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 20(2), 207-225. DOI: 10.1080/1369183X.1994.9976420
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2148
A series of equality and equity measures has been introduced by the British Government to tackle the seemingly intractable problems of Northern Ireland. These measures represent a range of initiatives in the areas of social need, fair employment, education reform and community relations. The implementation of the community relations programme is considered in some detail as a case study in improving equality and equity in Northern Ireland. Qualitative data from community relations officers, charged with implementing the policy, are examined in the light of problems encountered with the programme. The influences on delivering community relations, as one component of this comprehensive thrust to attain equality and equity, are also considered using an explanatory model. The article concludes that changes in attitudes and behaviour between the two communities are occurring, albeit slowly, promoted by the measures described. © 1994, Taylor & Francis Group, LLC. All rights reserved.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
equality
equity
program
Equality and equity: An emerging government policy in northern ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21492018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Thampapillai, Dodo J.
Chen, Yvonne Jie
Bacani, Christopher Ivo
Baris, Omer
2017-01-05T10:46:04Z
2017-01-05T10:46:04Z
2016
Thampapillai, D. J., Chen, Y. J., Bacani, C. I., & Baris, O. (2016). New Estimates of Factor Income Shares in Central Asian Economies. Economic Papers, 35(3), 282-291. DOI: 10.1111/1759-3441.12140
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2149
This paper illustrates a simple method to derive the income accounts in the context of limited macroeconomic data. The method is relevant for several developing countries where the statements on income are clearly absent and the national accounts are confined to statements on expenditure and/or value added. Furthermore, the method is illustrated for four Central Asian economies, namely Kazakhstan, Mongolia, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. A Cobb-Douglas factor utilisation function is then used to estimate factor income shares and the relative contributions of factors to economic growth. The analysis reveals limited contribution of labour to economic growth in these economies. This limitation appears to be strongest in the resource dependent economies of Kazakhstan and Mongolia.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Central Asia
factor-utilisation
income accounts
expenditure accounts
New Estimates of Factor Income Shares in Central Asian Economies
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21502018-08-15T03:50:27Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Howie, Peter
Atakhanova, Zauresh
2017-01-05T10:52:58Z
2017-01-05T10:52:58Z
2014-03
Howie, P., & Atakhanova, Z. (2014). Resource boom and inequality: Kazakhstan as a case study. Resources Policy, 39(1), 71-79. DOI: 10.1016/j.resourpol.2013.11.004
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2150
Our research investigates the impact of a major resource boom on income inequality within Kazakhstan's regions using household-level data across the entire income distribution and within the top and bottom halves of the income distribution. In addition, we evaluate the inequality dynamics separately in urban and rural areas. The theoretical foundation shows that a resource boom will decrease income inequality through the labor market if the non-traded sector is relatively intensive in its use of unskilled labor. Government transfers financed by resource income can further reduce inequality. Our regression analysis indicates that resource booms lower inequality when we control for the effect of changing labor income, institutional quality, education levels, and public health care spending. In addition, quality of institutions is an important equalizing factor for the lower income households in urban areas, but not in rural areas. Public health programs decrease overall inequality in the rural areas; however, they do not affect the bottom half of the income distribution.© 2013 Elsevier Ltd.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
inequality
panel-data analysis
Q15
Q23
Q32
Q33
resource curse
Resource boom and inequality: Kazakhstan as a case study
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21512018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Araral, Eduardo
Pak, Anton
Xun, Wu
2017-01-05T11:05:56Z
2017-01-05T11:05:56Z
2016-06-01
Pelizzo, R., Araral, E., Pak, A., & Xun, W. (2016). Determinants of Bribery: Theory and Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa. African Development Review, 28(2), 229-240. DOI: 10.1111/1467-8268.12192
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2151
The paper investigates the determinants of bribery in sub-Saharan Africa by using probit models and data from the World Bank's Enterprise Survey of 10,457 firms in 30 countries in sub-Saharan Africa from 2009 to 2013. By doing so we find that securing a government contract is the most significant motivation for bribery and that overall, the propensity to bribe depends on the size of the firm as well as the predictability of the regulatory environment. Our findings have similarities and differences compared to Asian firms. The paper also highlights that the incidence and the determinants of bribery vary across the four sub-regions. On the basis of this evidence we suggest that when it comes to anti-corruption strategies, one size does not fit all and that country-specific and region-specific strategies should be adopted to address context-specific needs and conditions.
en
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/us/
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
World Bank
environment
Determinants of Bribery: Theory and Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21522018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Nwokora, Zim
2017-01-05T11:12:29Z
2017-01-05T11:12:29Z
2016-12
Pelizzo, R., & Nwokora, Z. (2016). Bridging the divide. Politics and Policy, 44(6).
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2152
Party systems research has proceeded along two parallel lines of inquiry, one predominantly “qualitative” and the other “quantitative.” This article attempts to bridge this divide in two ways. First, by showing that qualitative information can be valuable in the construction of quantitative measures. Second, by showing that the results from applying theoretically- sensitive measurement tools can be useful for qualitative classification. These analyses are performed using an original
dataset of party system changes in Sub-Saharan Africa.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
party system
Africa South of the Sahara
system change
Bridging the divide
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/21532018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Atakhanova, Zauresh
Howie, Peter
2017-01-06T03:02:49Z
2017-01-06T03:02:49Z
2016-03-29
Atakhanova, Z., & Howie, P. (2016). A Study of Household Coal Demand and its Implications for Rural Energy Policies. Resources Policy.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2153
Household use of coal creates high levels of indoor and outdoor pollution affecting human health and the environment. However, millions of people across northern Asia and some parts of Europe continue using coal for space heating and cooking. As a result, the case of Kazakhstan is of interest because 70% of its rural households use coal for heating. Availability of a relatively large dataset allows for identifying determinants of household coal demand and making policy recommendations. By analyzing Kazakhstan’s household budget survey data, we find that lack or limited access to alternative heating systems, low coal prices, and low energy efficiency of the housing stock are the main factors leading to high rates of residential coal use in Kazakhstan. In addition, we find that in the absence of relevant policies, household demand for coal for space heating should be expected to grow with income. As a result, if the government implements policies to increase coal prices, it should introduce concurrent policies that increase access to alternative heating systems and incentivize energy efficiency improvements.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
coal
heating
energy efficiency
A Study of Household Coal Demand and its Implications for Rural Energy Policies
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22742018-08-15T03:50:06Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-23T11:03:20Z
2017-01-23T11:03:20Z
2016-12-09
Knox Colin. (2016). Good Governance Matters in Kazakhstan. Astana Times. http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2274
http://astanatimes.com/2016/12/good-governance-matters-in-kazakhstan/
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2274
Good Governance Matters is the strapline of Nazarbayev University’s Graduate School of Public Policy. But what does “good governance” mean for the citizens of Kazakhstan? If Kazakhstan is to join the top 30 developed countries in the world as set out in the President’s 2050 Strategy, then having high quality public services will be key to achieving this. There are important signs that good things are happening in Kazakhstan in this regard.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
good governance
strategy
high quality public services
global education
Good Governance Matters in Kazakhstan
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22752018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Пелиццо, Рикардо
2017-01-24T04:46:53Z
2017-01-24T04:46:53Z
2016-12-26
Пелиццо Рикардо. (2016). Эффективное управление и Казахстан. Zakon.kz
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2275
https://www.zakon.kz/4836241-jeffektivnoe-upravlenie-i-kazakhstan.html
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2275
За последние 20 лет международное сообщество обеспокоилось издержками коррупции. Коррупция препятствует прямым иностранным инвестициям, замедляет экономический рост и мешает странам достичь своих целей.
Правительство Казахстана приняло новое законодательство по борьбе с коррупцией, начало активную деятельность по профилактике коррупции и продвижению антикоррупционной культуры, агрессивно преследуются коррупционные правонарушения.
ru
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
эффективное управление
Казахстан
магистр государственной политики
магистр государственного управления
Эффективное управление и Казахстан
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22762018-08-15T03:50:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Оразгалиев, Серик
2017-01-24T05:08:38Z
2017-01-24T05:08:38Z
2016-12-27
Оразгалиев Серик. (2016). Есть ли у государства своя "невидимая рука"?. Tengrinews http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2276
https://tengrinews.kz/markets/est-li-u-gosudarstva-svoya-nevidimaya-ruka-308952/
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2276
Вопрос о роли государства в регулировании экономики является одним из самых дискутируемых со времен зарождения экономической теории. Есть вымышленная история о том, что Адам Смит и Карл Маркс плыли в одной лодке и внезапно Маркс оказался в воде. Ответ на вопрос о том, кто это сделал, звучит весьма иронично: невидимая рука рынка! Наверное, каждый имеет представление о концепции невидимой руки рынка, автором которой был Смит. Основываясь на этой концепции, современная неолиберальная экономическая теория утверждает, что роль государства в рыночной экономике должна быть минимизирована. Это предполагает, что государство не должно лишний раз вмешиваться в рыночные отношения. Однако было бы немного наивно принимать эту доминирующую парадигму как неоспоримую истину.
ru
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
государства в регулировании экономики
развитие мировых событий
государственный проект
Есть ли у государства своя "невидимая рука"?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22772018-08-15T03:50:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Джаненова, Салтанат
2017-01-24T05:17:26Z
2017-01-24T05:17:26Z
2016-12-28
Джаненова Салтанат. (2016). Реформа оказания государственных услуг в Казахстане. Zakon.kz
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2277
https://www.zakon.kz/4836566-reforma-okazanija-gosudarstvennykh.html
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2277
В январе 2016 года была создана Государственная корпорация «Правительство для граждан» с миссией стать единым провайдером всех госуслуг в Казахстане по образцу «Service Canada» в Канаде и «Centrelink» в Австралии. Госкорпорация предоставляет 530 госуслуг по сбору и выдаче документов или 70% всех госуслуг через 353 фронт-офиса.
ru
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
реформа оказания государственных услуг
Казахстан
снижения административных барьеров
госуслуги
Реформа оказания государственных услуг в Казахстане
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22782018-08-15T03:50:27Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Вааль, Тамара
2017-01-24T06:15:53Z
2017-01-24T06:15:53Z
2016-12-28
Вааль Тамара. (2016). Декан высшей школы госполитики Назарбаев Университета: Качественное образование не может быть недорогим. Интернет журнал со своим мнением Vласть. http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2278
https://vlast.kz/obsshestvo/21047-dekan-vyssej-skoly-gospolitiki-nazarbaev-universiteta-kacestvennoe-obrazovanie-ne-mozet-byt-nedorogim.html
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2278
Высшая школа государственной политики Назарбаев Университета – первое англоязычное учебное заведение в Казахстане, которое нацелено на подготовку аналитиков и менеджеров в области государственной политики и разработчиков политики. Декан школы Вэнг Тат Хуэй – гражданин Сингапура. Прожив год в Казахстане, в интервью Vласти он рассуждает на тему привлечения инвестиций в страну, объясняет, почему Казахстан должен избавиться от коррупции, и почему высшее образование должно быть дорогим и не может быть доступно всем.
ru
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
качественное образование
подготовка аналитиков и менеджеров
государственная политика
Декан высшей школы госполитики Назарбаев Университета: Качественное образование не может быть недорогим
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22792018-08-15T03:50:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Borooah, Vani K.
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T08:29:55Z
2017-01-31T08:29:55Z
2012
Vani K. Borooah and Colin Knox; 2012; The Contribution of "Shared Education" to Catholic-Protestant Reconciliation in Northern Ireland: A Third Way?; British Educational Research Journal; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2279
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2279
Northern Ireland has achieved political stability and its devolved government is now tackling public policy issues neglected during periods of sectarian violence. Notwithstanding the prevailing political optimism, one legacy of the conflict is a deeply divided society. This is particularly manifest in the education system where around 90% of children attend either state (Controlled) schools (de facto Protestant) or Catholic (Maintained) schools, with integrated schools accounting for less than 6% of the school population. In an attempt to address this wasteful duplication of services, external funders have piloted an initiative entitled The Shared Education Programme (SEP) where schools working in cross-community partnerships deliver shared classes and activities in order to improve education outcomes. This paper attempts to: quantify the educational returns for pupils participating in the SEP; articulate the qualitative reconciliation benefits from the perspective of teachers, parents and pupils; and, locate the findings of the research in the ongoing policy debate about restructuring education provision in Northern Ireland at a time of budget retrenchment and declining school rolls.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
shared education
Northern Ireland
economic benefits
The Contribution of "Shared Education" to Catholic-Protestant Reconciliation in Northern Ireland: A Third Way?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22802018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Carmichael, Paul
2017-01-31T08:42:39Z
2017-01-31T08:42:39Z
2005
Colin Knox and Paul Carmichael; 2005; Devolution - the Northern Ireland Way: An Exercise in 'Creative Ambiguity'; Environment and Planning Series C; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2280
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2280
Devolution in Northern Ireland followed directly from the 1998 Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement which provided, inter alia, for a democratically elected Assembly ‘inclusive in its membership, capable of exercising executive and legislative authority, and subject to safeguards to protect the rights and interests of all sides of the community’. More than six years on, the Northern Ireland Executive and Assembly are in suspension for the fourth time (the latest since October 2002). The conjunction of devolution and the implementation of the Agreement mean that the former is wholly dependent on the vagaries of the latter and, as a consequence, has devalued the potential of devolution to improve the governance of Northern Ireland.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
devolution
Northern Ireland
Devolution - the Northern Ireland Way: An Exercise in 'Creative Ambiguity'
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22812018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Coxhead, Francis
Grauberg, Janet
Joyce, Paul
Lawes, Tanya
Massey, Andrew
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T09:37:26Z
2017-01-31T09:37:26Z
2010
Francis Coxhead, Janet Grauberg, Paul Joyce, Tanya Lawes, Andrew Massey and Colin Knox; 2010; Adapting University Education for Changing Expectations of Public Services Leaders and Managers: New Guidance for Designing and Delivering MPAs; Public Money and Management; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2281
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2281
Guidance for designing and delivering Masters in Public Administration (MPA) programmes has just been approved by three key stakeholder bodies - the Public Administration Committee (of the Joint University Council), the Public Management & Policy Association, and the Public Administration Specialist Group of the UK’s Political Studies Association. The Guidance benefitted from contributions by staff of the National School of Government and of Government Skills. Why is the development of this Guidance timely, what was the thinking behind it, and what are the principles that should be followed in designing and delivering MPAs? As will be seen, we give a lot of attention to the needs of the civil service and the new skills agenda for central government, because this is an important recent development, but the Guidance has been drafted for central government, regional bodies, local government, and all other public services organizations.
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University Education
Masters in Public Administration
Adapting University Education for Changing Expectations of Public Services Leaders and Managers: New Guidance for Designing and Delivering MPAs
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22822018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T09:44:20Z
2017-01-31T09:44:20Z
2015
Colin Knox; 2015; Sharing power and fragmenting public services: complex government in Northern Ireland; Public Money and Management; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2282
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2282
There are obvious complexities in the governance of Northern Ireland. Longawaited
political stability, power-sharing and settled devolution come with a
highly-fragmented structure of public services. In addition, because of its preoccupation
with constitutional and security matters, Northern Ireland is playing
catch-up in public sector reform. There are greater expectations that local
politicians can tackle endemic issues of poverty and social deprivation than their
British ‘direct rule’ predecessors. This paper looks at a new initiative, which aims
to address the complexities of power-sharing and its attendant fragmented
governance arrangements.
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Consociational theory
joined-up government
power sharing
Sharing power and fragmenting public services: complex government in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22832018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T09:55:57Z
2017-01-31T09:55:57Z
2014
Colin Knox; 2014; Northern Ireland: where is the peace dividend?; Policy and Politics; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2283
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2283
Northern Ireland has been described as a ‘post conflict’ society with a stable political environment
following the peace process, and yet it is a hugely segregated society with significant social
deprivation. With peace came the promise of a ‘peace dividend’ for those most affected by the
violence. This paper uses the Department for International Development’s (DFID) ‘state building
for peace’ model as a way of understanding and analysing the fragility of the peace process, in
particular how the Northern Ireland Executive, in order to maintain legitimacy and stability, has
failed to meet public expectations to improve the quality of their lives.
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state building for peace
Northern Ireland
quality of life
Northern Ireland: where is the peace dividend?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22842018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Borooah, Vani K.
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T10:10:36Z
2017-01-31T10:10:36Z
2016
Vani K. Borooah and Colin Knox; 2016; Inequality, segregation and poor performance: the education system in Northern Ireland; Educational Review; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2284
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2284
Northern Ireland is now a post-conflict society but one of the legacies
of the “troubles” is an education system which is defined by religious
affiliation/identity. A parallel system of schools continues to exist
where Catholics largely attend “maintained” schools and Protestants
“controlled” or state schools. While segregation along religious
grounds is the most obvious fault line in Northern Ireland schools,
more insidious problems of access and performance inequalities exist
which has been overshadowed by efforts to improve community
relations between children and promote integrated education. This
article uses school leavers’ data to examine the nature of inequality
in schools and consider an alternative policy option for tackling
inequality and segregation, respectively.
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Inequality
segregation
education performance
Northern Ireland
Inequality, segregation and poor performance: the education system in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22852018-08-15T03:50:05Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Beirne, Maggie
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T10:26:22Z
2017-01-31T10:26:22Z
2013
Maggie Beirne and Colin Knox; 2013; Reconciliation and Human Rights in Northern Ireland: A False Dichotomy?; Journal of Human Rights Practice; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2285
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2285
Peace building interventions in Northern Ireland have attracted at least two
approaches—those which advocate from a human rights-based perspective, and
others which promote community relations and reconciliation as a methodology to
build and consolidate peace. These interventions have been seen by many practitioners
as competing and mutually exclusive. Broadly expressed, human rights participators
described their work as primarily about challenging governments; it focuses
on issues of accountability; it relies on the law and legally imposed frameworks; it is a
mixture of ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ law; it has, for some human rights practitioners, a confused
stance regarding the overlap between civil and political rights on the one hand,
and economic, social and cultural rights on the other; and it relies greatly on international
concepts, standards, and campaigning. Exponents of reconciliation, on the
other hand, argued that their work is primarily about bottom-up human dynamics
and relationship-building; the creation of trust as a prerequisite to working together
and breaking down barriers; and, the importance of processes as much or more
than the eventual product (on the ‘how’ as much as, or at least before, the ‘what’).
Drawing on primary qualitative data from activists in both ‘camps’, this article will
evaluate if these approaches represent a false dichotomy which fails to acknowledge
potential synergies.
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conflict
peace
reconciliation
transitional justice
Reconciliation and Human Rights in Northern Ireland: A False Dichotomy?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22862018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T10:44:23Z
2017-01-31T10:44:23Z
2010
Colin Knox; 2010; Tackling Racism in Northern Ireland: 2 ‘The Race Hate Capital of Europe’; Journal of Social Policy
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2286
Northern Ireland has been dubbed by the media as the ‘race hate capital of Europe’ and
attracted recent international criticism after one hundred Roma families were forced to flee
their homes following racist attacks. This paper examines the problem of racism in Northern
Ireland from a number of perspectives. First, it considers the effectiveness of the Government’s
response to racism against its Racial Equality Strategy 2005 using performance criteria
designed to track the implementation of the strategy. Second, it considers and empirically tests
the assertion in the literature that sectarianism shapes the way in which racism is reproduced and experienced. Third, it explores racismat the level of the individual –which factors influence
people in Northern Ireland to exhibit racist behaviour. Finally, the paper considers the likely
policy implications of the research findings in the context of devolved government where
addressing racism is part of a wider political imbroglio which has gridlocked decision-making
within the power-sharing Executive of Northern Ireland
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Tackling Racism in Northern Ireland: 2 ‘The Race Hate Capital of Europe’
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22872018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T10:52:25Z
2017-01-31T10:52:25Z
2009
Colin Knox; 2009; Building Trust amidst Corruption in Bangladesh; Journal of International Affairs; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2287
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2287
The People’s Republic of Bangladesh, formerly East Pakistan, became an independent state after the civil war of 1971 and joined the Commonwealth in 1972. It is a densely populated South Asian country with some 142 million people who commonly experience natural disasters in the form of floods and cyclones in the flat land and delta of rivers on the Bay of Bengal. Poverty is widespread with GDP per head estimated at just $444 in 2007, or almost half the population living on less than one dollar per day (Oxford Economics, 2008). Since independence, Bangladesh has experienced political turbulence and spent 15 years under military rule until democracy was restored in 1991. Continuing unrest and violence have been a major impediment to economic growth set alongside the increasing strength of Islamic fundamentalism.
Politics have been dominated and polarised by the two largest political parties, long-time rivals the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The October 2001 elections produced a BNP victory in the form of a 4-party alliance. The opposition party, Awami League, refused to accept the result and from 2001-2006 their attendance at parliament was sporadic, claiming discrimination by the BNP speaker. Violence and political strikes/hartals have accompanied the political turmoil. In August 2004, twenty people were killed and more than 100 injured in a grenade attack at an Awami League political rally. In January 2005 the former finance minister, Shah Kibria, was assassinated along with four colleagues and over 70 injured in an attack at an AL rally in Northern Bangladesh. Since summer 2006 opposition parties, directed by Awami League, claimed that the BNP-led government was seeking to manipulate the electoral infrastructure and announced in January 2007 a boycott of the general election. The parliamentary elections were cancelled. On 11th January 2007, the President declared a state of emergency and a reconstituted unelected military-backed caretaker government was put in place. Under the constitution, executive power rests with the caretaker government until a prime minister heading a new administration is sworn in following a parliamentary election. Foreign governments were keen to see emergency rule lifted and the restoration of full constitutional rights amidst reports of human rights abuses and mass arrests. Parliamentary elections were held on 29th December 2008 to a new civilian government after two years of emergency rule.
One of the most fundmental obstacles to building trust in Bangladesh is the pervasiveness of corruption at many levels: parliament, elections, and the delivery of core public services. People feel powerless to address the excesses of corruption and have lost faith in the democratic system. The role of the caretaker government was to tackle polarization and patronage and, in so doing, to establish trust in the democratic process. This paper considers the ‘success’ of building and maintaining trust in Bangladesh’s parliamentary democracy
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corruption
Bangladesh
Building Trust amidst Corruption in Bangladesh
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22882018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T10:59:08Z
2017-01-31T10:59:08Z
2003
Colin Knox; 2003; Democratic Renewal in Fragmental Communities: The Northern Ireland Case; Local Governance; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2288
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2288
Northern Ireland is perhaps the locus extremis of fragmental communities in the United Kingdom. The ethno-national tensions and political violence that have ravaged the Province for over 30 years continue unabated at a number of interface areas where single identity Catholic and Protestant communities live cheek by jowl. Intimidation, threats, rioting and naked sectarianism in the form of pickets mounted to protest against Catholic primary school children walking through ‘a Protestant estate’ (the so called 'Holy Cross' dispute) testify to increasing territorialism and community segregation. All of this continues despite the historic constitutional settlement in the form of the Belfast Agreement in which signatories affirmed their ‘total and absolute commitment to exclusively democratic and peaceful means of resolving differences on political issues, and opposition to any use or threat of force by others for any political purpose’ (Belfast Agreement, 1998: 1). This demonstrates, however, that the long-term ‘cohesive, inclusive and just society’ promised in the constitutional agreement cannot be delivered solely through a consensus amongst the political elite at Stormont, but must be grounded in work undertaken within communities who must endorse and see the tangible benefits of the peace dividend. Residents of North Belfast, for example, would need much convincing that the Belfast Agreement has delivered peaceful community co-existence .
This paper examines local governance and the role of the active community in the democratic renewal of Northern Ireland. It considers this in 3 phases. The first phase (1921–1972) might be described as a period of disrepute, during which local government was discredited as an elected forum and used to consolidate Unionist hegemony. The second phase could be styled the emasculation of local government and the emergence of a strong voluntary and community sector to fill the vacuum left by the democratic deficit of Direct Rule from Westminster (1972-1999). The final and current phase might be characterised as a period of democratic renewal (1999 onwards) or what Carmichael (1999) has described as ‘devolution-plus’. This period involves a twin track approach. One element includes a review of public administration arrangements in Northern Ireland incorporating local government, quangos and agencies (but importantly not the 11 government departments). The second element has three aims: firstly, to develop more formal arrangements with the voluntary and community sector in the decision making processes of government departments; secondly, the institutionalisation of social partnership through the Civic Forum, established under the Belfast Agreement; and finally, the emergence of local partnership arrangements in a number of important functional areas (health, community safety and ‘well-being’). The dilemma facing Members of the Legislative Assembly, who have been bereft of electoral power for nearly 30 years, is how to balance the need to involve an active community alongside rebuilding a local democratic base. This poses particular questions about the future role of local government in Northern Ireland under a reformed system of public administration. The fact that these three temporal phases correspond to key political milestones in the political chronology of Northern Ireland should not be surprising. The focus of this paper will necessarily be on the final phase although a short summary of the first two stages should provide a context for discussions which follow
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Northern Ireland
Fragmental Communities
Democratic Renewal in Fragmental Communities: The Northern Ireland Case
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22892018-08-15T03:50:07Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-01-31T11:17:31Z
2017-01-31T11:17:31Z
2011
Colin Knox; 2011; Cohesion, sharing, and integration in Northern Ireland; Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2289
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2289
The devolved government in Northern Ireland pledged to work for a `shared and better
future for all' in its Programme for Government 2008 ^ 11. In pursuit of this goal it launched a
consultation document entitled Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration which challenged
the assumption that division and segregation is a `normal' pattern of living. I locate the policy
proposals contained within the new programme in the research on community cohesion in Great
Britain. I interrogate, using attitudinal data, people's preferences for the kind of society they want
Northern Ireland to become and the policy consequences of their choices. Using two case studies in
education and housing, I highlight the benefits of a shared society and question whether Northern
Ireland can embrace the core elements of an intercultural society.
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Northern Ireland
Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration
Cohesion, sharing, and integration in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22902018-08-15T03:50:26Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Mahon, Denis
Knox, Colin
2017-02-01T03:11:21Z
2017-02-01T03:11:21Z
2014
Colin Knox and Denis Mahon; 2014; Professionalising the Civil Service: The Masters in Public Administration; Perspectives on Pedagogy and Practice; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2290
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2290
The purpose of this paper is to explore the conception and implementation of a collaborative approach to public sector professional learning which seeks to explore some of the most sensitive and important relationships between power, politics and policy. Specifically the paper will consider 3 key issues. First, it will set out the pedagogic debate that exists within the discipline of public administration on links between theory and practice and how this translates into the content and delivery of an MPA programme. Second, it will outline how, as a result of this pedagogic debate senior NICS civil servants became an integral part of the design and delivery team for the new Masters programme. Third, the paper will consider how the first cohort of students responded to this collaborative provision and the impact which it had on their professional working experiences. Taking these factors into account, the paper will consider the scope for using this model as a basis for a new level of professionalisation of the civil service around the core business of governments, the exercise of power.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Civil Service
Masters in Public Administration
Professionalising the Civil Service: The Masters in Public Administration
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22912018-08-15T03:50:08Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Monaghan, Rachel
2017-02-01T03:19:44Z
2017-02-01T03:19:44Z
2001
Colin Knox and Rachel Monaghan; 2001; ‘An Acceptable Level of Violence’ Community Response to Crime: Northern Ireland and South Africa; The Journal of Conflict Studies; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2291
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2291
This paper, drawing on focus group interview material, will therefore examine ways in which the communities in Northern Ireland and South Africa have responded to crime both during the conflict and thereafter. If the raison d’être for ‘political’ crime has been removed once a negotiated settlement is reached and the legitimacy of the State reaffirmed by agreement, can communities then subscribe to the formal system of criminal justice? Given the relatively recent, albeit fragile, arrival of a ‘peace’ settlement to Northern Ireland the paper considers what lessons, if any, can be learned from the South African post-conflict experience and its efforts to deal with community responses to crime.
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Crime
Northern Ireland
South Africa
‘An Acceptable Level of Violence’ Community Response to Crime: Northern Ireland and South Africa
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22922018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-02-01T03:27:15Z
2017-02-01T03:27:15Z
2010
Colin Knox; 2010; Peace Building in Northern Ireland: A Role for Civil Society; Social Policy and Society; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2292
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2292
Northern Ireland has witnessed significant political progress with devolution and a power
sharing Executive in place since May 2007. These political achievements, however,
conceal a highly polarised society characterised by sectarianismand community divisions,
the legacy of a protracted conflict. This paper is located in the theoretical discourse
between consociationalists who argue that antithetical identities cannot be integrated and
advocates of social transformation who support greater cross-community peace-building
initiatives through the involvement of civil society. This theoretical debate is taking place
in a policy vacuum. The Northern Ireland Executive has abandoned its commitment to
the previous (direct rule) administration’s A Shared Future policy and is now considering
alternatives broadly described as community cohesion, sharing and integration. Using
a case study of a Protestant/Catholic interface community, this paper offers empirical
evidence of the effectiveness of one social transformation initiative involving community
groups in a highly segregated area of West Belfast.
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Peace Building in Northern Ireland: A Role for Civil Society
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/22932018-08-15T03:50:09Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2017-02-01T03:33:52Z
2017-02-01T03:33:52Z
2001
Colin Knox; 2001; The ‘Deserving’ Victims of Political Violence: ‘Punishment’ Attacks in Northern Ireland; Criminal Justice: The International Journal of Policy and Practice; http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2293
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2293
The plight of the victims of political violence in Northern Ireland and the enduring suffering of their families has recently assumed much greater public prominence. Some see this new-found concern by government for victims as no more than a necessary part of the political and public relations management of the prisoners’ early release programme within which victims were mere pawns in the wider unstoppable agenda for a peace deal. Preconceived notions of perpetrators and victims have been politically contested in ways which suggest there are those who are ‘deserving’ or ‘undeserving’ of victimhood status. This paper considers one category of victim, those subject to paramilitary ‘punishment’ beatings and shootings, and argues that they have become expendable and legitimate targets for violence in Northern Ireland. They are expendable in the sense that any attempt to deal with the problem in a serious way would have widespread political ramifications for parties currently in devolved government. They are legitimate in that victims’ culpability derives from the communities within which they live and their ‘punishment’ is meted out by paramilitaries acting on the communities’ behalf.
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victims
paramilitaries
punishment
Northern Ireland
The ‘Deserving’ Victims of Political Violence: ‘Punishment’ Attacks in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/25362018-08-15T03:50:10Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Quirk, Padraic
2017-08-09T10:23:12Z
2017-08-09T10:23:12Z
2017
Knox, Colin and Quirk, Padraic (2017) Partnership With Government: An Exit Strategy for Philanthropies? The Foundation Review: Volume 9. Issue 1. Article 5
http://dx.doi.org/10.9707/1944-5660.1348
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/2536
This article is a case study of Atlantic Philanthropies’ work in Northern Ireland, where it supported three thematic intervention areas: aging; children and young people; and reconciliation and human rights. Atlantic, a limited-life foundation that has been making grants since 1982 in eight countries, will close down by 2020 and is engaged in an exit strategy.
Atlantic’s original funding approach involved supporting key nongovernmental organizations to drive and advocate for change; its work helped to support and consolidate the peace process in that country. Its exit strategy has involved a formal partnership arrangement with the Northern Ireland Assembly to take external interventions to scale and mainstream services previously funded through NGOs.
This article draws on qualitative data gathered through interviews with key stakeholders — the funder, government officials, and NGOs — and considers the consequences of this approach for sustaining and mainstreaming policies and practices. It also offers both specific and general lessons on partnering with government as an exit strategy.
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Atlantic Philanthropies
exit strategy
Delivering Social Change
Northern Ireland
Partnership With Government: An Exit Strategy for Philanthropies?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/35112018-09-07T21:00:24Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Xenarios, Stefanos
Queiroga, Henrique
Lillebø, Ana I.
Aleixo, Ana
2018-09-07T04:36:26Z
2018-09-07T04:36:26Z
2018-01-05
Stefanos Xenarios, Henrique Queiroga, Ana I. Lillebø and Ana Aleixo. 2018. Introducing a Regulatory Policy Framework of Bait Fishing in European Coastal Lagoons: The Case of Ria de Aveiro in Portugal. Fishes
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3511
The harvesting of bait through digging in coastal mudflats is practiced for recreational
and commercial purposes in European coastal systems including the Ria de Aveiro coastal lagoon
on the northwest Atlantic coast of Portugal. The scale of harvesting in the Ria de Aveiro has
recently increased due to the current economic climate in Portugal, with targeting of the polychaete,
Diopatra neapolitana species or “casulo” as it is widely known in the Aveiro region. The national
authorities have attempted to control casulo digging by issuing a regulation (Ordinance) in 2014 on
the maximum daily catch limit to be caught by each individual. The daily catch limit is intended to
represent the Maximum Sustainable Yield (MSY) for casulo beyond which overfishing will occur.
The monitoring of the regulatory measures is expected to be conducted through on-site inspections in
the digging areas. However, weak law enforcement was noticed, while there is also controversy over
the daily catch limit (quota) stipulated by the Ordinance. To this end, the current study attempted
to assess digging activities through remote monitoring and random inspections for a better policy
enforcement of the national regulation. In addition, different harvesting scenarios were employed
through a simplified bioeconomic model to attribute the current and future harvesting trends of
bait digging in Aveiro coastal lagoon. The study findings indicate that remote monitoring coupled
with some onsite interviews could be a more effective approach for the implementation of the
current bait digging policy. Further, the results point to a distinctive discrepancy between the
daily catch amount (MSY) introduced by the national legislation and the study findings which
should be further scrutinized. The diggers seem to have reached the sustainable harvest identified
by the present research. The current economic hardship in Portugal and the low profitability in
similar employment sectors will possibly attract more diggers and increase harvesting in the near
future. An increased harvest would likely trigger overfishing of D. neapolitana with unknown
consequences for the population of the species as well as the aquatic ecosystem. The socio-economic
and environmental effects are yet to be further clarified with more detailed data and advanced
modeling techniques to ensure the sustainability of the activity.
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lagoons
catch estimate
catch per unit effort
bioeconomic modeling
management scenarios
Diopatra neapolitana
Portugal
Introducing a Regulatory Policy Framework of Bait Fishing in European Coastal Lagoons: The Case of Ria de Aveiro in Portugal
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/35122018-09-07T21:00:30Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Zaki, Nizar Abou
Haghighi, Ali Torabi
Rossi, Pekka M.
Xenarios, Stefanos
Kløve, Bjørn
2018-09-07T04:38:03Z
2018-09-07T04:38:03Z
2018-07-05
Nizar Abou Zaki, Ali Torabi Haghighi, Pekka M. Rossi, Stefanos Xenarios and Bjørn Kløve. 2018. An Index-Based Approach to Assess the Water Availability for Irrigated Agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa. Water
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3512
Agriculture is a major economic sector in sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries, where it
contributes 32 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) and employs 65 percent of the population.
However, SSA countries are farming only a small percentage of their potential cultivable area and are
using only a fraction of their renewable water resources. Moreover, despite the importance of land
and water resources in SSA, especially in rural areas, there has been little research on their potential.
In this study, an index was developed to assess the potential for agriculture, considering renewable
water availability of both surface water and groundwater. The index-based approach was then used
to assess the potential increase in arable land area in 15 selected SSA countries. The selected countries
were classified using the index, based on the availability of renewable water resources nationwide.
We also assessed the future water demand by employing three scenarios and combining different
rain-fed and irrigated options. The results show that, except for Zimbabwe, the current available
surface water or groundwater resources could be sufficient to farm all of the potential cultivable areas
in the selected countries when both rain-fed and irrigated systems are fully operational. The findings
also indicate that targeted infrastructure projects (e.g., reservoirs, channels), crop management,
and water saving techniques could improve surface and groundwater availability in the SSA region
en
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water resources
groundwater
abstraction
sustainability
cultivation
development
An Index-Based Approach to Assess the Water Availability for Irrigated Agriculture in Sub-Saharan Africa
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/37982019-03-29T21:00:26Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Kuzhabekova, Aliya
Janenova, Saltanat
Almukhambetova, Ainur
2019-03-29T09:38:38Z
2019-03-29T09:38:38Z
2017-10-26
Kuzhabekova, Aliya;Janenova, Saltanat; Almukhambetova, Ainur (2017) Analyzing the Experiences of Female Leaders in Civil Service in Kazakhstan: Trapped between Economic Pressure to Earn and Traditional Family Role Expectations. International Journal of Public Administration
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3798
This paper analyzes the experiences of female leaders in civil service in a rapidly changing political, socio-cultural, and economic context of Kazakhstan. The research presents an analysis of the views of female managers on advantages and disadvantages of having women-leaders in civil service; on challenges and opportunities they are facing; on strategies they use to advance to and succeed in leadership positions. The important finding of this research is that female leaders in Kazakhstan are challenged with a clash of western, neo-liberal values and traditional expectations of women in the society. The analysis is based on primary data with women holding managerial positions in civil service.
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female leaders
civil service in Kazakhstan
Analyzing the Experiences of Female Leaders in Civil Service in Kazakhstan: Trapped between Economic Pressure to Earn and Traditional Family Role Expectations
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/37992019-03-29T21:00:19Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
McKeon, Belinda
2019-03-29T09:42:48Z
2019-03-29T09:42:48Z
2016-09-07
McKeon, Belinda (2016) Traveling The Digital Silk Road. Digitalist.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3799
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Digital Kazakhstan 2020
open government
Traveling The Digital Silk Road
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38002019-03-29T21:00:29Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Janenova, S.
Knox, C.
2019-03-29T09:48:42Z
2019-03-29T09:48:42Z
2018-09-25
Janenova, S., Knox, C. (2018) Governance in Kazakhstan: improvements but could do better.The Astana Times.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3800
The World Bank Group has just published the latest governance indicators including how well Kazakhstan is performing. The picture over a 10-year period is a mixed bag. It shows that Kazakhstan has made significant improvements in government effectiveness which measures the quality of public services and improved capacity of the civil service. It also shows a marginal improvement in the control of corruption although progress is very limited given the time period involved. Finally, the latest figures show that voice and accountability, which measures freedom of expression, freedom of association, and a free media has become marginally worse over the decade...
en
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Kazakhstan
Governance in Kazakhstan
Governance in Kazakhstan: improvements but could do better
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38012019-03-29T21:00:29Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Janenova, Saltanat
Kim, Pan Suk
2019-03-29T09:55:49Z
2019-03-29T09:55:49Z
2016-02-16
Janenova, Saltanat., Kim, Pan Suk (2016) Innovating Public Service Delivery in Transitional Countries: The Case of One Stop Shops in Kazakhstan. International Journal of Public Administration
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3801
This article analyses the implementation of managerial ideas in Kazakhstan using the case of a combined public service delivery called “One Stop Shops”. Several public services are provided in a single building rather than different government offices in a business-like style of service delivery and in a modern physical environment. The service integration policy is an attempt of Kazakhstani government to improve the quality of public services and reduce corruption. Some positive progress in improving the accessibility of public services has been noted. However, as this article argues, the country-specific model of “alternative-access” service delivery was not able to implement in-depth changes in the work of the public sector and improve service quality. Implementation of the managerial ideas has been limited and constrained by the institutional
framework and culture prevailing in the Kazakhstani bureaucracy. The main conclusion is that the governments of transitional countries need to critically analyze the pros and cons of the new policies and reflect on their cultures before making further steps to adopt Western managerial initiatives.
en
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Innovating Public Service
Transitional Countries
Innovating Public Service Delivery in Transitional Countries: The Case of One Stop Shops in Kazakhstan
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38022019-03-29T21:00:34Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Janenova, Saltanat
2019-03-29T10:00:20Z
2019-03-29T10:00:20Z
2016-02-16
Janenova, Saltanat (2016) New Trajectories of Civil Service Reform in Kazakhstan. The Astana Times
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3802
Civil service reform is not a new phenomenon for Kazakhstan, which has positioned itself as a leader among Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) states in terms of improving the civil service system. However, despite the rapid socio-economic development of Kazakhstan until the fall of oil prices, the civil service system has experienced systemic problems such as bureaucracy, corruption and low ethics morale. In the context of financial crisis, when the President called on Kazakh citizens to “tighten their belts” and “learn to live within their means,” the role and professionalism of the state apparatus, its ability to respond to the modern external and internal challenges have become even more critical...
en
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Civil service reform
Kazakhstan
New Trajectories of Civil Service Reform in Kazakhstan
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38032019-03-29T21:00:31Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Baris, Omer
Janenova, Saltanat
2019-03-29T10:05:18Z
2019-03-29T10:05:18Z
2017
Pelizzo, R., Baris, O. and S. Janenova. 2017. “Objective or Perception-Based: A Debate on the Ideal Measure of Corruption”, Cornell International Law Journal, 50: 1, Article 4, 77-106, https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol50/iss1/4/
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3803
In Kazakhstan, several institutions have developed new measures of
corruption. This Article addresses the doubts that empirical analyses have
raised as to whether and to what extent existing measures of corruption
provide valid and reliable estimates of corruption levels in Kazakhstan.
Domestic institutions decided to develop the new measures after exploring
reasons international measures seemed to be failing to provide a proper
assessment of corruption in the country, with the hope that they could
generate better estimates of corruption levels across different regions, sectors,
and time...
en
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measure of corruption
corruption
Objective or Perception-Based: A Debate on the Ideal Measure of Corruption
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38042019-03-29T21:00:32Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
Janenova, Saltanat
2019-03-29T10:09:01Z
2019-03-29T10:09:01Z
2018
Knox, C. and Janenova, S. 2018. “Public Councils in Kazakhstan: A Case of Emergent Participative Democracy?” Central Asian Survey, 38: 2, 305-321, https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/02634937.2017.1410467
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3804
As Kazakhstan aims to become one of the top 30 developed
countries by 2050, it is increasingly turning to ways which will
improve its governance, one of which is greater participation by
its citizens in the decision-making processes of state agencies. A
new initiative aimed at doing just that, the establishment of
public councils, received legal backing in January 2016. The aim of
public councils is to ‘strengthen democracy and the quality and
responsiveness of public polices’ through the ‘public expression of
matters of concern to Kazakh citizens’. This article offers a
formative evaluation of the role performed by public councils and
questions the extent to which they have achieved this aim. It
draws on primary data from public officials, non-governmental
organizations, ministries, and non-participant observation of
public councils in Kazakhstan. It finds limited evidence of their
effectiveness to date...
en
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Public councils in Kazakhstan
Public councils in Kazakhstan: a case of emergent participative democracy?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38052019-03-29T21:00:35Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Джаненова, Салтанат
Нокс, Колин
2019-03-29T10:17:17Z
2019-03-29T10:17:17Z
2018-03-26
Нокс, Колин; Джаненова, Салтанат (2018)ПЯТЬ БАРЬЕРОВ ДЛЯ РАЗВИТИЯ ОБЩЕСТВЕННЫХ СОВЕТОВ В КАЗАХСТАНЕ.Vласть. Интернет-журнал со своим мнением.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3805
Высшая Школа государственной политики Назарбаев Университета делится результатами исследования по этому вопросу. Они показывают ограниченные доказательства эффективности общественных советов на сегодняшний день; вместе с тем, есть хороший потенциал для их будущего развития...
en
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общественные советы
ПЯТЬ БАРЬЕРОВ ДЛЯ РАЗВИТИЯ ОБЩЕСТВЕННЫХ СОВЕТОВ В КАЗАХСТАНЕ
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38062019-03-29T21:00:33Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Джаненова, Салтанат
2019-03-29T10:24:57Z
2019-03-29T10:24:57Z
2017-03-29
Джаненова, Салтанат (2017) «Стеклянный потолок» казахстанской госслужбы: невидим для мужчин, реальность для женщин. Vласть. Интернет-журнал со своим мнением
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3806
Согласно Обзору ОЭСР по реализации гендерной политики в Казахстане, чем больше женщин у руля власти, тем более инклюзивна государственная политика и более клиенто-ориентированные государственные услуги, так как они проходят через гендерную призму. Представленность женщин на высших руководящих постах в Казахстане остается крайне низкой: женщины составляют 10% политических госслужащих, 1 женщина среди 16 министров, и ни одной женщины среди акимов областей. Казахстанские женщины сталкиваются со «стеклянным потолком»: невидимыми, но прочными барьерами на пути к карьерному росту и политическому участию. Главной причиной этому служит конфликт между традиционными ожиданиями общества от женщины как «хранительницы очага» и западными либеральными взглядами, где женщина – равный экономический игрок, «кормилец» семьи наряду с мужчиной...
ru
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женщины в политике
«Стеклянный потолок» казахстанской госслужбы: невидим для мужчин, реальность для женщин
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/38072019-03-29T21:00:35Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Джаненова, Салтанат
2019-03-29T10:29:32Z
2019-03-29T10:29:32Z
2017-05-25
Джаненова, Салтанат (2017) Этика на госслужбе: «презумпция невиновности», менталитет или миссия выполнима?Vласть. Интернет-журнал со своим мнением
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/3807
В Казахстане наблюдается всплеск внимания к вопросам этики госслужащих. Правительство страны обеспокоено проявлениями неэтичного поведения среди госслужащих и общественным резонансом как реакцией на факты неподобающего поведения некоторых чиновников. Осенью 2015 года был принят новый Кодекс этики госслужащих, а с января 2016 года в местные и центральные госорганы впервые были введены уполномоченные по этике. В своей практике уполномоченные по этике сталкиваются с проблемами, которые тормозят их работу по продвижению этики в ряды госслужащих.
en
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этика на госслужбе
Этика на госслужбе: «презумпция невиновности», менталитет или миссия выполнима?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/44412019-12-12T21:02:50Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Kinyondo, Abel
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2019-12-12T08:38:18Z
2019-12-12T08:38:18Z
2019
Kinyondo, A., & Pelizzo, R. (2019). Enhancing Citizen Participation for Development in Tanzania. Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 9(1), 1–11. https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1461
10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1461
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4441
The literature has repeatedly emphasized that citizen participation is requisite for good governance. Indeed, when citizens participate in various public activities, they can voice their demands, they can invite the government to respond to their demands, and they can keep government accountable. In other words, in the presence of citizen engagement activities, voices can be raised to governments accountable. While the literature has clearly established this link, less is known about the levels of citizen engagement in rural areas in developing countries like Tanzania; precisely areas where good governance is most needed to secure some progress along the developmental path and take the population out of poverty. Using an original dataset comprising of 1,265 respondents, we find that citizen participation in rural Tanzania varies across various types of activities. We also find that that the participation rate for men is higher than that of women and that the participation rate for older people is higher than it is for younger ones. Given the fact that Tanzania’s population is largely youthful, and women are slightly more than men, we recommend for the removal of barriers that women and youths face as far as their civic rights to participate in developmental activities is concerned.
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Citizens
Participation
Engagement
Governance
Democracy
Development
Enhancing Citizen Participation for Development in Tanzania
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/44662019-12-18T21:00:45Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Orazgaliyev, Serik
Araral, Eduardo
2019-12-18T05:58:10Z
2019-12-18T05:58:10Z
2019-06
Orazgaliyev, S., & Araral, E. (2019). Conflict and Cooperation in Global Commons: Theory and Evidence from the Caspian Sea. International Journal of the Commons, 13(2).
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4466
The conventional literature on the commons involves small, local resources such as coastal fisheries, community forestry, small-scale irrigation, and community pasture. We focus on conflict and cooperation in the Caspian Sea - a global commons - involving five claimant countries as well as interests of major powers (the United States, European Union, and China). Building on the work of Stern and Young on the study of conflict and cooperation in global commons, we model the case as a prisoner's dilemma game with the two different outcomes. In the North Caspian Sea, competing claimant countries - Russia, Kazakhstan, and Azerbaijan - have agreed to cooperate and solve their differences over ownership of oil fields. In contrast, claimants in the South Caspian Sea - Azerbaijan, Iran, and Turkmenistan - have failed to cooperate despite decades of trying. Using analytic narratives, we suggest that politics (or strategic calculations) could help explain these two different outcomes. In making these calculations, countries will act in their rational self-interest, given the prospects of international anarchy. We suggest that this realist account can be partly explained by the convergence of economic interests, geopolitics, and cultural distance. We argue that the study of global commons would benefit from understanding realist theories of international relations.
en
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Conflict and Cooperation in Global Commons: Theory and Evidence from the Caspian Sea
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45122020-03-12T21:01:12Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T08:49:22Z
2020-03-12T08:49:22Z
2019-08-05
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) Academic Performance in comparative perspective. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4512
East Africa has traditionally had good universities. The data collected and made available by Scimago allow one to assess how good East African universities are in comparative perspective....
en
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Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
African politics
Academic Performance in comparative perspective
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45132020-03-12T21:01:12Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T08:53:48Z
2020-03-12T08:53:48Z
2019-10-22
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) Africa’s wealth. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4513
For the past few years, we have summarized the key findings of the Africa Wealth Report produced by the AfrAsia bank....
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
Africa’s wealth
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45142020-03-12T21:01:16Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T08:57:32Z
2020-03-12T08:57:32Z
2019-07-30
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) African Development at Risk. African Politics and Policy Newsletter.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4514
In 2018 Abel Kinyondo, Zim Nwokora and I co-authored a paper entitled ‘Development in Africa’ which was eventually published by World Affairs. In the article we claimed that the development progress that countries in Sub-Saharan Africa had experienced was the result of several factors...
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
African Development at Risk
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45152020-03-12T21:01:13Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:01:31Z
2020-03-12T09:01:31Z
2019-04-24
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) How do African millionaires spend their money? African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4515
As we noted in a previous post, Africa has 145000 High Net Worth Individuals whose assets are worth about 800 billion. Overall Africans’ net worth is estimated in 2.2 trillion US dollars. The number of HNWIs has increased considerably in the past decade and is expected to grow nearly as much in the next decade....
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
How do African millionaires spend their money?
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45162020-03-12T21:01:13Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:05:25Z
2020-03-12T09:05:25Z
2019-07-31
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) Korean lesson for Africa. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4516
The South Korean case has extensively been investigated by political economists. It was one of the best known cases of a developmental state -a state that, by making the right choices, is able to create the conditions for socio-economic development....
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
Korean lesson for Africa
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45172020-03-12T21:01:16Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:08:43Z
2020-03-12T09:08:43Z
2019-08-02
Riccardo Pelizzo (2019) News from Africa: the good, the bad and the ugly. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4517
Some news are good and possibily very good: in Mozambique, the government and RENAMO have signed a peace deal, while, according to President Buhari, 5 million Nigerians have been lifted out of poverty in the past three years...
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
News from Africa: the good, the bad and the ugly
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45182020-03-12T21:01:17Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:12:13Z
2020-03-12T09:12:13Z
2020-01-25
Riccardo Pelizzo (2020) Corruption Perception Index 2019. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4518
Transparency International has just released the Corruption Perception Index for 2019. One of the notable changes revealed by Transparency international’s data is that Kazakhstan improved its score by 3 points -from 31 to 34- and climbed to the 113rd position worldwide...
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
Corruption Perception Index 2019
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45192020-03-12T21:00:17Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:32:10Z
2020-03-12T09:32:10Z
2020-01-22
Pelizzo, Riccardo (2020) New year, old problems.African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4519
en
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African politics
New year, old problems
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45202020-03-12T21:01:02Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:37:49Z
2020-03-12T09:37:49Z
2020-01-29
Pelizzo, Riccardo (2020) Problems won’t end in January. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4520
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
Problems won’t end in January
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45222020-03-12T21:01:01Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:43:01Z
2020-03-12T09:43:01Z
2017-02-14
Pelizzo, Riccardo (2017) Constitutional reforms should recognise important role of political parties.The Astana Times.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4522
One of the giants of political science, Maurice Duverger, once observed that knowing political parties was more important than knowing a constitution to understand politics...
en
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constitutional reforms
Constitutional reforms should recognise important role of political parties
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45232020-03-12T21:00:58Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-12T09:47:19Z
2020-03-12T09:47:19Z
2020-01-27
Pelizzo, Riccardo (2020) The state of Africa: the universities. African Politics and Policy Newsletter
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4523
A few days ago a Tanzanian friend noted, in an email, that “Africa is going backwards socially, politically and most importantly economically”. Few hours later, a friend from Togo remarked that “the situation is worsening day after day”...
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
African politics
The state of Africa: the universities
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45632020-03-30T21:00:37Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Knox, Colin
2020-03-30T14:34:57Z
2020-03-30T14:34:57Z
2018
Knox, Colin (2018) Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland. Administration. vol. 66, no. 3 (2018), pp. 7–31 doi: 10.2478/admin-2018-0025
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4563
Northern Ireland has now moved from ‘negative’ peace (the absence of
violence, largely) to ‘positive’ peace (confidence-building measures to
consolidate gains in voting practice and in reducing discrimination against the
minority community in employment and housing allocation). This transition
has involved funders at the European, regional and local levels investing in
peace and reconciliation measures to consolidate political gains made since
the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998....
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
PEACE IV
community relations
quality of life
community planning
peace-building
Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/45702020-03-31T21:00:39Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2020-03-31T06:39:46Z
2020-03-31T06:39:46Z
2018
Pelizzo, Riccardo (2018) The determinants of Party System Change in Sub-Saharan Africa. Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan.
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4570
This article examines what socio-economic factors are conducive to changes in the patterns of inter-party competition in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The literature has in recent years paid considerable attention to measuring party system change, to identifying the consequences of party system instability for the proper functioning of democratic regimes, and to understanding what factors are responsible for the instability of party systems. In contrast to previous studies that view political change in general and party system change more specifically as the result of social transformation, development, modernization and change in the cleavage structure, this paper shows instead that poverty is the primary driver of party system change in the SSA region....
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Poverty
Party System
The determinants of Party System Change in Sub-Saharan Africa
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/48932020-08-17T21:00:27Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Baktybayev, Bektas
2020-08-17T04:57:06Z
2020-08-17T04:57:06Z
2020-04
Baktybayev, B. (2020). Analysis of the Relationship between Women’s Participation and the Rate of Corruption in the Post-Soviet States. Journal of Contemporary Governance and Public Policy, 1(1), 1–11. https://doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v1i1.3
2722-3973
2722-3981
http://journal.ppishk.org/index.php/jcgpp/article/view/3
https://doi.org/10.46507/jcgpp.v1i1.3
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/4893
Corruption remains one of the main problems of Post-Soviet states. Georgia, Belarus, Lithuania, and Latvia are doing relatively well compared to other Post-Soviet states. Popular explanations for high corruption rates are underdevelopment of democratic institutions and the limitation of human rights. However, the lack of women’s participation can be also another factor that could explain the widespread corruption level. According to popular stereotypes, women are considered as more honest and “fairer” gender, which has an impact on the decrease in corruption rate. There is a belief that women have a perception of risk aversion which makes them less likely to engage in corrupt activities. There is no consensus regarding whether women’s participation has an effect on reducing corruption. The purpose of this paper is to test to what extent women’s participation in parliament, school and or with tertiary education, labor force affects corruption rate in Post-Soviet states. The SPSS software was used to assess a relationship between aforementioned variables. According to findings, there is a strong, positive, and statistically significant impact of women enrollment in school and/or with tertiary education on a country’s score in the Corruption Perception Index. I argue that promoting women’s education is the best way to lower corruption in the post-Soviet states.
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Women’s Participation
Corruption Rate
Post-Soviet States
Corruption Perception Index
Research Subject Categories::SOCIAL SCIENCES::Social sciences::Political science
Analysis of the Relationship between Women’s Participation and the Rate of Corruption in the Post-Soviet States
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/55082021-07-02T21:00:30Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Suzuki, Kohei
Ha, Hyesong
Avellaneda, Claudia N.
2021-07-02T03:02:46Z
2021-07-02T03:02:46Z
2020-04-08
DIRECT AND NON-LINEAR INNOVATION EFFECTS OFDEMOGRAPHIC SHIFTS
0313-6647
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/1467-8500.12424
https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.12424
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5508
Among these pressures, demographic shifts seem to boostinnovation, as the public sector responds to the arrivalof migrants and to community changes in race and eth-nic composition. However, we know little about innova-tion by governments in response to expected populationdecline. In particular, studies have under-examined howanticipated demographic pressures prompt public organiza-tions to innovate. This study undertakes this task by argu-ing that innovation is more visible in municipalities fac-ing greater anticipated demographic decline. However, wealso argue for a non-linear relationship in which too strongand/or too weak expected demographic declines lead to lessvisible innovation (inverted U-shape effect). These proposi-tions were tested with a data set of Japanese municipalitiesand employing a dose–response model. Findings show thatanticipated demographic declines directly boost innovationvisibility. However, too strong and/or too weak unexpecteddemographic declines make innovation less visible.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
dose–response model
innovation response
Japan
local government
pop-ulation decline
public sector innovation
Type of access: Open Access
DIRECT AND NON-LINEAR INNOVATION EFFECTS OFDEMOGRAPHIC SHIFTS
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/55722021-07-14T21:00:29Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Xenarios, Stefanos
Assubayeva, Aliya
Xie, Lei
Sehring, Jenniver
Amirkhanov, Daulet
Sultanov, Alisher
Fazli, Siamac
2021-07-14T08:59:43Z
2021-07-14T08:59:43Z
2021
Xenarios, S., Assubayeva, A., Xie, L., Sehring, J., Amirkhanov, D., Sultanov, A., & Fazli, S. (2020). A bibliometric review of the water security concept in Central Asia. Environmental Research Letters, 16(1), [013001]. https://doi.org/10.1088/1748-9326/abc717
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5572
Engineering, economic, social sciences, geophysical, and integrated modeling studies have approached the assessment of water security in Central Asia (CA) in distinct ways. Different indicators and indexes have been introduced to assess the most vulnerable aspects of water use in this region. Until now, though, the suggested approaches are often represented in a fragmented manner, while the relevant indicators cannot fully attribute the vulnerability status of a country or on a regional level. This can result in diverging perceptions of the water security situation in policy dialogues, also affecting bilateral and multilateral relations among the countries in CA. In this study, we conduct a bibliometric review on the approaches and methods that directly or indirectly touch upon the water security perceptions in CA. ....
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Central Asia
Open access
engineering
environment
A BIBLIOMETRIC REVIEW OF THE WATER SECURITY CONCEPT IN CENTRAL ASIA
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/57052021-08-26T21:00:51Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Younas, Ammar
2021-08-26T05:26:35Z
2021-08-26T05:26:35Z
2020
Younas A. Legality of Rule of Law with Chinese Characteristics: A Case of “Ultra-Sinoism”. Russian Law Journal. 2020;8(4):53-91. https://doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2020-8-4-53-91
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5705
The legal progression in China is portrayed negatively by western scholars who often argue that the state institutions in China are subordinate to the control of Chinese Communist Party’s leadership which makes these institutions politically insignificant. We consider that the legal progression in China has an instrumental role in achieving “Harmonious Socialist Society.” The purpose of this thesis is to provide an analytical literature review of scholastic work to explain the legality of rule of law in China and to elaborate the outcomes of China’s recent legal developments. This paper has two main subjects. First, it examines the nature of law and rule of law in China through the prism of different legal theories. Secondly, by arguing from different political theories, it explains the necessity of customized legal system in China for establishing a Harmonious Socialist Society. By giving different examples from contemporary China, this thesis argues that the legality of the rule of law in China ought to be understood in the context of China’s economic and social progression rather than the western legal scholarship. China’s economic progress demands a customized legal system. In our thesis, we claim that the regular upgradation of laws and introduction of constitutional amendments in China, should be recognized as important achievement which is required for the institutional innovation. Legal progression in China during last decade perfectly fit into the framework of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” and is very crucial for building a harmonious socialist society. It is vivid from China’s economic growth and developed international relations. Finally, this paper suggests that the Chinese legal progression can be taken as successful example of legal experimentalism
en
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Type of access: Open Access
rule of law
legality
socialist society
legal philosophy
Chinese law
LEGALITY OF RULE OF LAW WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS: A CASE OF “ULTRA-SINOISM”
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/57562021-09-10T21:00:31Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Mukhtarova, Akbikesh
2021-09-10T07:13:43Z
2021-09-10T07:13:43Z
2020-10
Mukhtarova A. Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators (in the context of Sub-Saharan African Countries). Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities. 2020 3(2). DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/CRJSSH.3.2.10
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5756
While analyzing data for 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article explores the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the effects of Party System Fluidity on WGI and legislative oversight. The effects of party systems fluidity on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature, the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide Governance Indicators;1 however, instability of political party systems expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings reaffirm: "that the stability of political party systems”2 (Pelizzo: 2020, p. 265) is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national governments. The work structure is the following: firstly, it analyzes how academic scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the paper discusses the research's key findings, namely the effects of party systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI in the context of Sub- Saharan African countries.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 United States
Legislative Oversight; Party Systems Fluidity; Sub-Saharan African Countries; Worldwide Governance Indicators
EFFECTS OF PARTY SYSTEM FLUIDITY ON LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT AND GOOD GOVERNANCE INDICATORS--IN THE CONTEXT OF SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN COUNTRIES
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/57592021-09-10T21:00:38Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Kinyondo, Abel
Pelizzo, Riccardo
2021-09-10T10:06:19Z
2021-09-10T10:06:19Z
2021-03-08
Kinyondo, A., & Pelizzo, R. (2021). How COVID-19 has Affected Africa’s Development. World Affairs, 184(1), 57–76. https://doi.org/10.1177/0043820021989681
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5759
For the first 15 years of the new millennium, several countries in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) have experienced longs spells of “sustained economic growth” that translated into considerable progress along the developmental path and in a sizable reduction in the level of poverty in the continent. While the literature (see, for example, Arrighi 2002) has long noted that SSA had alternated periods of economic expansion with periods of economic contraction, the sustained economic growth that SSA experienced at the beginning of the new millennium represented a certain novelty—because it reflected changes in both domestic and international conditions. Recent studies (see, for example, Pelizzo, Kinyondo, and Nwokora 2018) have observed, in this respect, that Africa’s development in the new millennium resulted from the interaction of domestic factors (such as the spread of democracy in the continent), improvements in public health and in the level of good governance, and international factors (such as the international community’s new approach to aid and development, the rise of China, the fact that Africa’s debt was canceled, and a growing inflow of foreign direct investments). After identifying such factors, and their interaction, as the main determinants of growth and development in the continent, Pelizzo, Kinyondo, and Nwokora (2018) hypothesized that the disappearance of one or more of the success factors identified in their study could have a detrimental impact on African economies’ ability to grow, slow down their progress along the developmental path, and prevent them from further reducing poverty in the continent
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
Africa
COVID-19
Coronavirus
Pandemic
International Organizations
African Economies
Slowdown
HOW COVID-19 HAS AFFECTED AFRICA’S DEVELOPMENT
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/58382021-09-22T21:00:35Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Mukhtarova, Akbikesh
2021-09-22T11:26:03Z
2021-09-22T11:26:03Z
2021-09-22
Mukhtarova, A. (2021). Central Asia performance review in land governance indices and assessment frameworks. Central Asian Journal of Water Research, 7(2), 74–96. https://doi.org/10.29258/cajwr/2021-r1.v7-2/74-96.eng
2522-9060
https://doi.org/10.29258/cajwr/2021-r1.v7-2/74-96.eng
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5838
Academic scholarship captures different land governance dimensions while focusing mainly on agrarian, legal,
and economic aspects. However, little to no attention is paid to land governance consideration through public
policy lenses. In particular, this holds for Central Asian (CA) countries where there is a noticeable lack of
academic works on land governance effectiveness and anti-corruption strategies in the land sector. This review
paper analyzes the question of how Central Asian countries are presented in land governance indices and
assessment frameworks such as the World Bank's Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF), Global
Property Rights Index (Prindex), Global Land Governance Index (LANDex), and The Open Data Barometer. The
paper uses the integrative review of academic works and the author's empirical data on Central Asian performance
in land governance indices and assessment programs. The findings revealed that while the Prindex results for the
region are promising, the underperformance and lack of active engagement of Central Asian countries in the Open
Data Barometer, LANDex, and LGAF are still visible. This fact could be explained by various reasons, including
the lack of institutional and legal capacities in CA countries and the limitation in methodology and data collection
techniques observed in present land indices. Considering that the subject is understudied, it is anticipated that this
review paper will give both scholars and practitioners from the region and abroad the impetus to improve Central
Asian performance in global land governance indices and assessment programs.
Keywords: Central Asia, land corruption, LANDex, Prindex
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Central Asia
land corruption
LANDex
Prindex
Type of access: Open Access
CENTRAL ASIA PERFORMANCE REVIEW IN LAND GOVERNANCE INDICES AND ASSESSMENT FRAMEWORKS
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59462021-12-23T21:00:06Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Onarheim, Kristine Husøy
Phua, Kai Hong
Babar, Zahra R
Flouris, Andreas D
Hargreaves, Sally
2021-12-21T11:28:21Z
2021-12-21T11:28:21Z
2021-08-06
Onarheim, K. H., Phua, K. H., Babar, Z. R., Flouris, A. D., & Hargreaves, S. (2021). Health and social needs of migrant construction workers for big sporting events. BMJ, n1591. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n1591
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5946
Migrant construction workers, a subgroup of the world’s 164 million international labour migrants—the largest migrant group globally—leave their homes and families for employment opportunities in high income countries.1 Temporary jobs in construction industries meet demands in host countries and provide countries sending migrants and low skilled labourers with income, contributing to billions in remittances from high income countries each year
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
migrant construction workers
sporting events
Health and social needs
HEALTH AND SOCIAL NEEDS OF MIGRANT CONSTRUCTION WORKERS FOR BIG SPORTING EVENTS
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59472021-12-24T14:44:26Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Flouris, Andreas D
Babar, Zahra
Ioannou, Leonidas G
Onarheim, Kristine H
Phua, Kai H
Hargreaves, Sally
2021-12-22T04:56:15Z
2021-12-22T04:56:15Z
2021
Flouris, A. D., Babar, Z., Ioannou, L. G., Onarheim, K. H., Phua, K. H., & Hargreaves, S. (2021). Improving the evidence on health inequities in migrant construction workers preparing for big sporting events. BMJ, n1615. https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n1615
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5947
To host big sporting events such as the Olympic Games and the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup, countries undertake large infrastructure projects, including building new stadiums and extending public transportation. Hundreds of thousands of migrant workers a year are needed, often quickly and for a short time. Given local constraints in supply, many such jobs are filled by low skilled, low waged migrant labourers.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
migrant construction workers
big sporting events
IMPROVING THE EVIDENCE ON HEALTH INEQUITIES IN MIGRANT CONSTRUCTION WORKERS PREPARING FOR BIG SPORTING EVENTS
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59582021-12-24T14:44:38Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Kinyondo, Abel
Pelizzo, Riccardo
Byaro, Mwoya
2021-12-22T11:25:46Z
2021-12-22T11:25:46Z
2021-08-03
1. Kinyondo A, Pelizzo R, Byaro M. “DELIVER AFRICA FROM DEBTS”: Good Governance Alone is not Enough to Save the Continent From Debt Onslaught. World Affairs. 2021;184(3):318-338. doi:10.1177/00438200211025519
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5958
The present article analyzes the debt–economic growth nexus in African countries while controlling for the impact of good governance indicators. In contrast to a long tradition of scholarship that has consistently suggested that government debt has a detrimental impact on economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa, recent studies have actually shown that government debt, when coupled with improvements in the quality of government, is actually a driver of economic growth. By analyzing an original dataset that covers the 2002–15 period and additional debt–economic growth data going up to the year 2020, we are able to suggest three conclusions....
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
COVID-19
Development
Economic Growth
African Debt
“DELIVER AFRICA FROM DEBTS”: GOOD GOVERNANCE ALONE IS NOT ENOUGH TO SAVE THE CONTINENT FROM DEBT ONSLAUGHT
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59922022-02-04T06:14:35Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Serikbayeva, Balzhan
Abdulla, Kanat
Oskenbayev, Yessengali
2022-01-21T07:52:45Z
2022-01-21T07:52:45Z
2020-12-07
Serikbayeva, B., Abdulla, K., & Oskenbayev, Y. (2020). State Capacity in Responding to COVID-19. International Journal of Public Administration, 44(11–12), 920–930. https://doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2020.1850778
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5992
This study investigates the link between state capacity and deaths from Covid-19. We examine the effects on the Covid-19 case fatality rates of state capacity across countries with an ordered probit estimation controlling for the level of democracy, government policy responses, the share of the elderly population, and health system resource capacity. The study presents strong evidence for the critical role of state capacity in achieving positive policy outcomes. The effect of government effectiveness on the Covid-19 death level is consistently negative and statistically significant, suggesting that increased government effectiveness is significantly associated with decreased Covid-19 fatality rates. The findings also show that in the models controlling for government effectiveness and the testing and stay at home policies, non-free countries are more likely to have lower death levels than free countries. The effects of the testing and stay at home policies have expected negative signs. Higher health system capacity represented by higher numbers of hospital beds and doctors is more likely to lower a country’ s case fatality rate. A higher proportion of the elderly population is associated with higher levels of death from Covid-19.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
COVID-19
state capacity
government effectiveness
democracy
policy responses
fatality rate
health system capacity
testing policy
STATE CAPACITY IN RESPONDING TO COVID-19
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/59952022-02-04T06:14:40Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Raghavan, Aarthi
Demircioglu, Mehmet Akif
Orazgaliyev, Serik
2022-01-21T08:44:22Z
2022-01-21T08:44:22Z
2021-10-28
Raghavan, A., Demircioglu, M. A., & Orazgaliyev, S. (2021). COVID-19 and the New Normal of Organizations and Employees: An Overview. Sustainability, 13(21), 11942. https://doi.org/10.3390/su132111942
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/5995
The COVID-19 pandemic has hit organizations and employees in every sector worldwide in unprecedented ways. It became extremely difficult for organizations and employees across sectors to operate under increased mobility restrictions. The pandemic effectively disrupted previous operational models and imbued changes such as telework and digital adoption that are pervasive and may potentially last beyond the pandemic. Amid these circumstances, it was essential to ask how organizations and employees will sustain themselves in the post-COVID-19 ”new normal”. Although so much research is conducted about COVID-19, there is no comprehensive view of the changes at the meso (organizational) and micro (individual) levels. This article aims to explain this using the emergency-learning-institutionalization-new normal (ELIN) framework, which is based on the timeline of the pandemic. The article aims to bring forth the overall trends in how organizations and employees are adapting to the pandemic, the lessons they have learned, and how they will change and adapt in a post-COVID-19 “new normal”. We have analyzed existing policy papers, articles published in business, public administration, nonprofit journals, and other studies to achieve this. We find an increasing trend towards the adoption of telework and digital tools at both meso- and micro-levels. The effective implementation of telework policies and digital transformation plans at the meso-level will ensure the sustainability of organizations and jobs in the new normal. Although these trends vary across sectors and within and across countries, there is an overall increase in the flexibility of organizations and employees in adopting new solutions, making them more open to innovation. The article makes important recommendations for organizations to make these transitions more sustainable in the medium and long term
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
COVID-19
pandemic
organizations
new normal
public sector
private sector
COVID-19 AND THE NEW NORMAL OF ORGANIZATIONS AND EMPLOYEES: AN OVERVIEW
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/60792023-11-11T14:45:24Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Smith, Brian
2022-03-01T10:03:25Z
2022-03-01T10:03:25Z
2021
Smith, B. (2021). Josiah Child, Interest Rates, and John Locke’s “For a General Naturalization.” Modern Intellectual History, 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1017/s1479244321000494
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6079
Throughout the 1690s there were several high-profile parliamentary debates about lowering inter est rates from 6 to 4 percent. Locke’s involvement in these policy debates is significant. In this
period, he circulated at least one important pamphlet on this issue to various Members of
Parliament. The purpose of this article is to illuminate the links between Locke’s arguments
against interest rate reduction and immigration policy. Locke’s essay “For a General
Naturalization” (1693) employs some of the same pro-naturalization formulations that Josiah
Child uses in A New Discourse of Trade (1693), a pamphlet that was ostensibly published in
support of the parliamentary proposal for lower interest rates. Even though Locke had a long his tory with pro-naturalization arguments, the framework of his essay on naturalization is very
likely an extension of those debates with Child about interest rates from 1691/2.
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
Naturalization
JOSIAH CHILD, INTEREST RATES, AND JOHN LOCKE’S “FOR A GENERAL NATURALIZATION”
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61032023-11-11T14:45:39Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Lodhi, Iftikhar
2022-03-30T09:40:22Z
2022-03-30T09:40:22Z
2021
Lodhi, I. (2021). Globalisation and public policy: bridging the disciplinary and epistemological boundaries. Policy and Society, 40(4), 522–544. https://doi.org/10.1080/14494035.2021.1987137
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6103
Globalisation, the ever increasing economic and socio-political
international interactions, poses challenges to public policy theory
and practice. This paper aims to (a) draw an outline of a discussion
and research agenda for theorizing the policy process under globalisation, by (b) identifying some theoretical consensus across
disciplines and epistemological paradigms. The literature shows
a consensus on ‘constrained’ state thesis and that globalisation
affects all states through structural pressures as well as the neoliberal discourse. However, policy outcomes vary across states
depending on their position in the international power structure
and domestic adjustment costs. The paper concludes that policy
studies shall focus on the changing functions and organisational
forms of the state and explicitly incorporate domestic–international
interactions into the theories of the policy process.
en
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Type of access: Open Access
Globalization
international political economy
comparative political economy
public policy process
epistemology
GLOBALISATION AND PUBLIC POLICY: BRIDGING THE DISCIPLINARY AND EPISTEMOLOGICAL BOUNDARIES
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/61722022-06-10T21:00:57Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Arynov, Zhanibek
2022-06-01T06:37:29Z
2022-06-01T06:37:29Z
2021
Arynov, Z. (2021). Hardly visible, highly admired? Youth perceptions of the EU in Kazakhstan. Journal of Eurasian Studies, 13(1), 42–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665211058187
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6172
Youth have always been one of the central target audiences of the European Union’s (EU) policies towards Central Asia,
which was once again emphasised in the recent EU Strategy for the region. This paper scrutinises how youth repre sentatives in Kazakhstan, Brussels’ closest partner in the region, perceive the EU and its policies. By doing so, the paper
shifts the focus from the EU-centric assessment of its external activities, which has long dominated the academic literature,
and provides a ‘voice’ to the targets of the EU’s various initiatives. Examining data obtained through the method of pictorial
test and focus group discussions with students of leading Kazakhstani universities, the paper argues that the issue Brussels
faces among youth is not an image problem, rather it is a visibility issue. Although Kazakhstani youth are aware of the EU’s
main ‘attributes’ at the basic level, they have little knowledge that goes beyond stereotypical, yet positive, images of it. This
stereotyped admiration towards the EU, however, is not necessarily an outcome of Brussels’ successful policies, rather it is
partly inherited from the historically idealised image of Europe. The paper suggests that increasing its visibility and better
communicating its policies and messages need to be a priority for the EU in Central Asia
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
European Union
Kazakhstan
perception
image
youth
visibility
HARDLY VISIBLE, HIGHLY ADMIRED? YOUTH PERCEPTIONS OF THE EU IN KAZAKHSTAN
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/64112022-07-13T21:00:39Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Absadykov, Aikozha
2022-07-13T06:15:51Z
2022-07-13T06:15:51Z
2020
Absadykov, A. (2020). Does Good Governance Matter? Kazakhstan’s Economic Growth and Worldwide Governance Indicators. Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 10(1), 1–13. https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2776
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6411
Good governance is generally believed to improve country’s economic performance. This paper stud ies the relationship between the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (Voice and Ac countability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quali ty, Rule of Law, Control of Corruption) and economic growth in terms of GDP per capita in Kazakh stan. The findings of the research indicate that there is a significant positive relationship between
good governance and economic performance of Kazakhstan. Specifically, results show that the Con trol of Corruption has the strongest impact on GDP per capita.
en
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Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States
Type of access: Open Access
Good Governance
Worldwide Governance Indicators
Corruption
Economic Growth
DOES GOOD GOVERNANCE MATTER? KAZAKHSTAN’S ECONOMIC GROWTH AND WORLDWIDE GOVERNANCE INDICATORS
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/64132022-07-13T21:00:39Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
MUKHTAROVA, AKBIKESH
2022-07-13T06:27:43Z
2022-07-13T06:27:43Z
2020
Mukhtarova, A. (2020). Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators in Sub-Saharan African. Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, 10(1), 14–23. https://doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2782
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6413
While analyzing data for 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article
explores the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide
Governance Indicators (WGI) and the effects of Party System Fluidity
on WGI and legislative oversight. The effects of party systems fluidity
on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little
systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature,
the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance
indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African
countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find
that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide
Governance Indicators;1 however, instability of political party systems
expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with
legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings
reaffirm: "that the stability of political party systems”2
(Pelizzo: 2020,
p. 265) is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of
democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of
democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national governments.
The work structure is the following: firstly, it analyzes how academic
scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The
second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the
paper discusses the research's key findings, namely the effects of party
systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI in the context of Sub Saharan African countries.
en
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Legislative Oversight
Party Systems Fluidity
Sub-Saharan African Countries
Worldwide Governance Indicators
EFFECTS OF PARTY SYSTEM FLUIDITY ON LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT AND GOOD GOVERNANCE INDICATORS (IN THE CONTEXT OF SUB-SAHARAN AFRICAN COUNTRIES)
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/65242022-07-25T21:00:43Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Howie, Peter
Atakhanova, Zauresh
2022-07-25T07:51:13Z
2022-07-25T07:51:13Z
2022
Howie, P., & Atakhanova, Z. (2022). Assessing initial conditions and ETS outcomes in a fossil-fuel dependent economy. Energy Strategy Reviews, 40, 100818. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.esr.2022.100818
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6524
We analyze the energy market and ETS outcomes in Kazakhstan, a major fossil-fuel exporter. The energy market
was characterized by the presence of large state-owned enterprises, prevalence of fossil fuel subsidies, and
dominance of coal-fired generation. Despite the ETS, Kazakhstan’s CO2 emissions and CO2 emissions intensity of
its power sector continued to grow. Power sector investment and prices declined while CO2 emissions intensity
of GDP reversed its downward trend. To increase ETS effectiveness it is necessary to prioritize stakeholder
engagement, address deficiencies in carbon allowance allocation and trading, and enhance the carbon cost pass through mechanism. Finally, formulating and implementing a comprehensive low-carbon transition strategy
should improve ETS outcomes.
en
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Type of access: Open Access
Climate policy
Cap-and-trade
Fossil-fuel subsidies
Carbon price
ASSESSING INITIAL CONDITIONS AND ETS OUTCOMES IN A FOSSIL-FUEL DEPENDENT ECONOMY
Article
oai:nur.nu.edu.kz:123456789/68852022-12-29T21:00:37Zcom_123456789_528com_123456789_95com_123456789_67col_123456789_530
Kurmanov, Bakhytzhan
Knox, Colin
2022-12-29T09:41:09Z
2022-12-29T09:41:09Z
2022
Kurmanov, B., & Knox, C. (2022). Open government and citizen empowerment in authoritarian states. Journal of Eurasian Studies, 13(2), 156–171. https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665221104118
http://nur.nu.edu.kz/handle/123456789/6885
The introduction of open government has been used in many countries to improve the transparency, accountability of the
state, and promote participation by citizens in collaborative governance. Its potential for public services improvement,
citizen empowerment, and a positive impact on reducing corruption have attracted scholarly attention. Set alongside this,
open government initiatives have facilitated greater access to information which can be used to hold governments to
account and, in so doing, build trust between citizens and the state. While open government principles sit easily in
democratic systems, some authoritarian states have also adopted this concept. This raises two questions. First, is there
evidence that open collaboration, as the most developed form of open government, has empowered citizens in autocracies?
Second, and more generally, why would authoritarian regimes seek to adopt open government when the concepts of
autocracy and openness are antithetical? This paper attempts to address these questions using three case study countries in
Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan which adopted open government policies. It finds evidence of cooptation,
network authoritarianism, and state unresponsiveness/resistance to citizens’ inputs.
en
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Type of access: Open Access
Open government
citizens’ empowerment
authoritarianism
Central Asia
OPEN GOVERNMENT AND CITIZEN EMPOWERMENT IN AUTHORITARIAN STATES
Article